Deluge of Atlantis

Deluge of Atlantis
Deluge of Atlantis

Saturday, March 31, 2012

Kakha Margiani Guest Blogger, Part 2

Hello!
  Thank you for your brave publications. I'm sure your readers will send the blog links for their friends. I know people want to understand truth. Next second edited paper in the attached file. I tried to send better images.
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Best wishes
K. Margiani
The world’s first expert on Atlantis
Founder new field of science Cosmogeology

Thursday, March 29, 2012

K. Margiani Guest Blogger

I have asked Mr. Kakha Margiani to submit a guest blog which shall hopefully lead to a series of articles. Here is his first submission, Dealing with the Maps of the Ancient Sea Kings:

“Pseudoscience” — Catastrophic Plate Tectonics.

Problem of the Atlantis is interrelated to false understanding about the “pseudoscience” — catastrophic plate tectonics. Elite of the modern Geology have to change their opinion. Future of the modern Geology is that: — Gradualism + Catastrophic plate tectonics.:
Gradualism is interrelated to peaceful periods — between thr global deluges evry ~7000÷13000 years. Catastrophic plate tectonics is interrelated to global deluges evry ~7000÷13000 years.
There are lots of pre-flood (before 10.465 B.C.) maps made by unknown Atlantis’ geographers. In front of you, one of them — pre-flood North America. “Mar Del Zur” is a pre-flood name for the Pacific Ocean. Pre-flood Strait “Anian” passed above the modern Alaska-Canadian boundary, of Gulf of Alaska to Beaufort Sea. This part of the mainland was a sea-floor under the pre-flood Strait “Anian”. We can’t see northern isles as well. Pre-flood northern geographical pole situates in the middle of the Greenland. Premier meridian passes over the pre-flood Capitolium — Citadel of the Atlantis City.:
Now the sunken Citadel of the Atlantis City is situates on the sea-floor between the Azorean Isles: Sao Miguel and Santa Maria. We have many proof about greatest flood in 10.465B.C. Huge sedimentary layers of the so called Paleotsunami are dispersed over the American mainlands.
We have greatest scientific evidence about huge tsunami 25÷50m. that attacked Iberian Peninsula in 10,465B.C. German Geophysicist Marc-Andre Gutscher discovered tracks of the greatest tragedy in 1755 on the sea-floor near the Lisbon. Greatest Earthquake and tsunami ~(5÷10m.) attacked Lisbon in 1755 and killed ~50,000÷100,000 people. Marc-Andre Gutscher discovered 5 times greatest track over the same sea-floor ~12,000 yeas old (10,465+2012=12,477); Scientific equipment always has mistake 500÷1000 years. 5 times greatest track over the sea-floor means huge tsunami as a minimum 25÷50m. Marc-Andre Gutscher has written an interesting investigation —"Destruction of Atlantis by a great earthquake and tsunami? A geological analysis of the Spartel Bank hypothesis". He is the greatest specialist and intellectual but our mainstream scientists have a sample Dogmatic view —"Seeing is believing". Mainstream scientists have to see huge waves over the mainlands to believe that...???
Paleontologists have known as well, about huge extinction event ~12500 years ago. You can read or listen in the mass-media — "10,500B.C. destroys science". Lots of scientific fields are destroyed by false researches in Physics, Astronomy, Cosmology, Geology and historical sciences while the real science - catastrophic plate tectonics has a pseudoscientific status... billions of dollars are spent in the false scientific projects and produced lots of false degrees and false scientific dragons - "Top Scientists". Triumph of the false degrees can prevent only future global deluge - huge wave streams over the European and American cities... Natural investigators have no money to explain truth in the most popular mass-media.


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Pre-flood and modern northern geographical poles (approx.).
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Pre-flood and modern coastal lines and mainlands - (approx.).
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Pre-flood and modern maps and disappeared peninsula – “Hiperbaria”


global drifting over the 1000÷1500km in 10,465B.C. produced global destruction of the isostatic balance between the major and minor plates. You can see proof of the global and tragic readjustment in 10.465B.C.
K. Margiani
The world’s first expert on Atlantis
Founder new field of science Cosmogeology

Re: Surveys of Atlantis 3

Kakha Margiani sent along some links to be posted last night on the blog which mentioned his theories. There was a passage where I said his critics say that he has done things without good reason. He took exceptopn to that statement and sent me some links. The links did not come through properly and so I asked him to re-send. Here are the new corrected links he has provided:


Thank you for your attention!

“he has done this without giving any good reason to assume it is so”
 The decoded map of Atlantis is interrelated to hard working for last decades.

English data 1. http://www.cosmogeology.ge/chapter-(31).pdf or   http://rxiv.org/abs/1102.0053
English data 2. http://www.cosmogeology.ge/chapter-(32).pdf
English data 3. http://www.cosmogeology.ge/chapter-(33).pdf

Russian data 1. http://www.cosmogeology.ge/book-1.pdf
 Russian data 2. http://www.cosmogeology.ge/book-2.pdf

Best wishes
K. Margiani
The world’s first expert on Atlantis
Founder new field of science Cosmogeology

Sunday, March 25, 2012

Did the Mayas famous blue pigment come from Georgia?

http://www.examiner.com/architecture-design-in-national/did-the-mayas-famous-blue-pigment-come-from-georgia?CID=examiner_alerts_article#ixzz1ojRVW0D1

Did the Mayas famous blue pigment come from Georgia?
 Mayas | March 9, 2012
Architecture & Design Examiner
In a moment of boredom this week, a documentary film maker, whose passion is the archaeology of the Americas, probably solved a riddle that has eluded architects and archaeologists for centuries. Where did the Mayas mine their “Maya Blue” pigment?
Carmel, IN
– March 9, 2012 – Film maker Jon Haskell of Carmel, Indiana became bored this week on he and his wife’s small horse farm near Indianapolis. After being in Honduras for two weeks to film a documentary, he was back to the reality of late winter in Indiana; punctuated by a rash of killer tornadoes in his state. His infinite curiosity happened to turn that day to the subject of the mineral, mica. He was trying to find a location from where the Maya could have imported the vast amounts of mica that they used in cosmetics, mirrors and additives for stucco. There are no mica deposits in the Maya’s homeland, and very few in Mexico. That led him in the Wikipedia online encyclopedia to the states of North Carolina and Georgia, where mica is mined commercially today
Studying the mica deposits in Georgia somehow led to the subject of Georgia clays. Clay is one that state’s most important exports. Georgia clays are characterized by a wide variety of colors and chemical characteristics. Somewhere along the Wikipedia trail, Haskell stumbled onto a clay with the odd name of attapulgite, also known as palygorskite. He continued reading the article:
“The name attapulgite is derived from the U.S. town of Attapulgus, Georgia, in the extreme southwest corner of the state, where the mineral is abundant. It is known to have been a key constituent of the pigment called "Maya Blue", which was used notably by the pre-Columbian Maya civilization of Mesoamerica on ceramics, sculptures, murals and (most probably) Maya textiles. The clay mineral was also used by the Maya as a curative for certain illnesses, and there is evidence to show it was also added to pottery temper.“
After searching for centuries, Mexican scholars found a cenote (sink hole) in the State of Yucatan in the 1960s that contained attapulgite. The small cenote seemed far inadequate to have furnished all of the Maya cities with their blue pigment for 1,800 years. Mexican geologists and archaeologists have
been searching South America since then for a major deposit of attapulgite. They should have looked northward. Attapulgus, GA is much closer than South America, and adjacent to the Chattahoochee, a major navigable river that flows into the Gulf of Mexico.
The town of Attapulgus, GA is derived from the name of an earlier Creek Indian town named Atapaw-lekhuse,which means “wooden stirring-paddle-very hot.” The name may refer to the heating and stirring of raw attapulgite clay that is required to chemically change it into Maya Blue pigment. It is located near Bainbridge in Decatur County, GA. Lake Seminole now covers much of the bottomlands of Decatur County where there were formerly Native American towns.
The locations of the attapulgite mines are close to one of North America’s earliest indigenous towns, Kolomoki. It was lived in from approximately 250 AD to 950 AD, which happens to coincide with the occupation period of several Classic Period Maya cities, Kolomoki contained approximately 2,000 residents and at least eight mounds. Anthropologists believe that Kolomoki’s population swelled during seasonal markets and festivals. Hopewell Culture sites in the Ohio Valley were contemporary with Kolomoki, but did not contain many permanent residents.
Chemical analysis is needed for proof
Haskell contacted friends in architecture and archaeology to get their response. It was uniformly, “Oh my gosh . . . the answer to the Maya Blue riddle was always in the Wikipedia?"
An acquaintance, who was an archaeologist in the Midwest, advised him that a chemical analysis of both the attapulgite in Georgia and the Maya Blue from several Maya ruins would be required to absolutely confirm the source. However, there is no other known large deposit of attapulgite in the Western Hemisphere that could be directly loaded on to cargo boats and then shipped straight to the Yucatan Peninsula along coastal waterways.
A newsletter describing Haskell’s discovery went out to archaeologists and historians around North America on March 7, 2012. The mining of Maya Blue’s main ingredient is not a “definite yes,” but the probability is such that it stopped the presses on a recently published book on the Mayas that day. A second edition was quickly created to include a description of strong likelihood of Maya Blue coming from the “metropolis” of Attapulgus, Georgia.
Attapulgite is also a medicine. The clay has another name when used as a remedy for diarrhea. It’s kaopectate!
Boredom, curiosity and the internet can be a dangerous combination in the 21st century.

Wednesday, March 21, 2012

Investigations of Bolivia Fuente Magna and the Monolith of Pokotia

Investigations of Bolivia Fuente Magna and the Monolith of Pokotia
http://www.world-mysteries.com/sar_8.htm

[I had mentioned the matter of Cuneiform being found near the ruins of Tiahanaco (Tiwanucu) and t no surprise to readers of A Hayatt and Ruth Verrill's book America's Ancient Civilisations (Putnam, 1953) where abundant evidence for connections between ancient Peru and Mesopotamia is given. Here is miform inscriptions together with some translations further down.-DD]

The following material is reprinted by permission from
Bernardo Biadós Yacovazzo & Freddy Arce,
OIIB - Omega Institute Investigations (Bolivia),
INTI - NonGovernmental Organizacion (Bolivia).
A large stone vessel, resembling a libation bowl, and now known as the Fuente Magna, was originally discovered in a rather casual fashion by a country peasant from the ex-hacienda CHUA, property of the Manjon family situated in the surrounding areas of Lake Titicaca about 75/80 km from the city of La Paz.
The site where it was found has not been subject to investigation until recently.
The Fuente Magna has not been shown in Bolivia until year 2000. It was considered false, until we began the investigations.
The Fuente Magna was found The piece in question is a little out of place. It is beautifully engraved in chestnut-brown both inside and out. It reveals zoological motifs and anthropomorphic characters within.






Fuente Magna - Rosetta Stone of the Americas.
Click to view larger image (250KB).
In 1958/60 Don Max Portugal Zamora, a Bolivian archaeologist, learned of it's existence Pastor Manjon. Mr. Portugal "baptized" the site with the name it bears today, "Fuente Magna"--in our view an accurate assessment. Instantly it's rescuing was studiously embarked upon. Through the mediation and negotiation of General Armando Escobar Uria property was swapped for another parcel in the neighborhood of Sopocachi.
Safely under the protection of the honorable, municipal, mayoralty Mr. Portugal began to restore it by applying cement to the parts that showed chipping and deterioration--minor repairs for effect, in our view. He lost no time in attempting to decipher the writting inside the object turning to the texts known as "Qellga Llippichi" one of those interpreted by Don Franz Tamayo. He also consulted a publication by our illustrious friend, Dr. Dick Edgar Ibarra Grasso, entitled "Indigenous Andean Writing" (HAM La Paz 1953), it ends as you might expect (fruitless). The limits of his honest efforts. The writing is undoubted from the Old World.

Hebraic--from the sinaitic appearance influenced by cuneiform, or simply cuneiform of possible Sumero-Akkadian origins, this being the take-off point on which we announced our extraordinary discovery. Two mayors (local guys) don Armando Escobar Uria and Don Mario Mercado Vaca Guzman have been looking after our investigation until very recently with many restrictions since we cannot count on the support of the state.
Nevertheless, work has continued on what we call the "Rosetta Stone of the Americas", for lack of a better name. If our method of investigation holds up several things are worthy of note:

  1. We are dealing with an object which was made in keeping with Mesopotamian tradition.
  2. It contains two texts, one in cuneiform and another Semitic language of possible Sinaitic extraction cuneiform influences.
  3. According to the symbols used one would be before an object that evidently shows itself to be from the transitional period between ideographical writing and cuneiform.
  4. Chronologically, this leads us to the 3500/3000 B.C., the Sumerian/Akkadian period.

Fuente Magna
By Antropologist -Mario Montano Aragón

Chapter 1 - Fuente Magna

We went to Chua to make a historic reference first, ubicate the place, etc.
Asking residents of the place, we noticed that no one has any idea about the theme. The famous Hacienda Manjon, was unknown there, beside the fact that there were 6 Chuas, finally, a complete mess.....

The only way left was to speak to the old men at the place. They send us to meet with an 98 years old man called Maximiliano, but when we got there his wife, 90 years old lady, told us that he was at a land meeting.



Maximiliano (top) and Cuneiform Fuente Magna (bottom)

We found the gathering, and Maximiliano was there. Delegate from UNAAR , "Unidad de Arqueologia y Antropologia de Bolivia ", asked him for the fountain. He didn't remembered, so we decided to show him a picture of it with he cuneiform writings I have taken with me... he recognized it immediately and called it by the name: "El Plato del Chancho" ( the pig's dish). We almost fainted when the translator told us the history, it was an exact copy of what was published about it. Also, he said that he would speak better at his home, but he was at the meeting right now, that his brother probably has another, that there were several, and even pottery was found at the place, etc... and the bomb: "The fountain was found here" he said pointing at a group of tacanas (staired monticles) in front of us. Again, we could not believe our luck. Because it was the harvest time, the translator warned us not go up there at this time, because if a rain or a blizzard felt, we could be seen as the bad luck bringers and they will not allow us to research there anymore.

Chapter 2 - Monolith of Pokotia



As soon as we came back from Chua, the UNAAR experts took a look at
the Fuente Magna in the museum of gold and took measurments, copied the symbols, etc..

As soon as they saw the 2 meters high Pokotia Monolith, they noticed signs on its front. They called me to see it. Semitic or even cuneiform, very similar to one on the second section of the Fuente Magna.
They got very excited and now they want to dig, investigate, etc.
We never figured something like this would happen.
I'm sending these pictures to EE.,UU., France, Israel, Egypt, to get the confirmation about the kind of "signography" and to find out if it is possible to translate it
Finally, the monolith from an early Tiahunaco`s period that nobody doubts is not a fake. The monolith and the Fuente Magna bowl are real. SEMITIC and CUNEIFORM writings in Tiahuanco - this has enormous significance.
We are handling it with caution.
We don't want the press behind us:
we are going to take one step at time... we have proofs but still want more...
I have decided to send the photos to Clyde Winters, PhD., the scientist who deciphered the writing of the Fuente Magna .
The Pokotia monolith was discovered by Bernardo Biados, Freddy Arce, Javier Escalente, Cesar Calisaya, Leocadio Ticlla, Alberto Vasquez, Alvaro Fernholz, Omar Sadud, Paulo Batuani and Rodrigo Velasco on January 4, 2002. This discovery and other research done by these scientist is supported by the Honorable H. Enrique Enrique Toro, President of the Congress of Bolivia.
Originally it was believed that there was an inscription written only on the front legs of the monolith, further research indicated that there was also an inscription on the back of the statue and directly below the left hand of the figure.
Pictures below show inscriptions on the back and side of the Pokotia Monolith.

Copyright 2002 World-Mysteries.com
Reprinted by permission from
Bernardo Biadós Yacovazzo & Freddy Arce
OIIB - Omega Institute Investigations . Bolivia
INTI - NonGovernmental Organizacion . Bolivia

Chapter 3 - Decipherment



Decipherment of the Cuneiform Writing on the Fuente Magna Bowl
by Dr. C. A. Winters


This translation of the 3 panels of the cuneiform writing reads as follows:

"Approach in the future (one) endowed with great protection the Great Nia".

"[The Divine One Nia(sh) to] Establish Purity, Establish Gladness, Establish Character". ("This favorable oracle of the people to establish purity and to establish character [for all who seek it]".)

"[Use this talisman (the Fuente bowl)] To sprout [oh] diviner the unique advise [at] the temple".

"The righteous shrine, anoint (this) shrine, anoint (this) shrine; The leader takes an oath [to] Establish purity, a favorable oracle (and to) Establish character. [Oh leader of the cult] Open up a unique light [for all], [who] wish for a noble life".


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Decipherment of the Front and side inscriptions on the Pokotia Monolith
by Dr. C. A. Winters


The Pokotia signs are found on the front of the statue below the hands. The Pokotia signs are found on the right and left thighs of the figure. The symbols on the Pokotia statue are read from top to bottom, right to left. The signs have syllabic values.

Translation:

" Distribute/ the opening of the Oracle to mankind./ Proclaim [that Putaki's] offspring (are to) witness esteem./Act justly (now), to send forth the oracle to nourish knowledge./ Appreciate the cult. [All to} witness the divine decree./ Send forth the soothsayer to capture the speech [from the oracle] to make clear the ideal norm [ for living, as a guide for mankind]. [Citizens] witness in favor of this human being to create wisdom (for all mankind), and send forth [an example of good] character [Indeed]!"


There is an additional inscription on the left side of the statue.

"The Diviner proclaims the phenomenal depth of this area , of the deity's power, to entrust man with wisdom".

On the far right side of the Pokotia statue there are inscriptions which appear to be engraved in a box that provide the name of the oracle. Below is the inscription:

"Good Putaki, a wise man and progenator of (many) people."

There is an additional inscription on the right side of the statue.

" Take an oath to witness character and wisdom. Witness the deity's power [ to make for you] a righteous soul".

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Decipherment of the Back and side inscriptions on the Pokotia Monolith
by Dr. C. A. Winters


The inscriptions on the Pokotia figure are written in the Sumerian language. The signs used to write the messages on the Pokotia monolith were non-liguture Proto-Sumerian symbols.

The inscription under the hand on the Pokotia figure is very interesting:

" The oracle Putaki conducts man to truth. (This) esteemed (and) precious oracle to sprout esteem, (now) witness (its) escape".

The Decipherment of the back inscription of Putaki is below. The writing on the back is written in Proto-Sumerian. The language used to read the inscriptions was Sumerian.

"Proclaim the establishment of character. The strong father (Putaki) to send forth the devination. Strong wisdom (in this) phenomenal area of the deity's power. Capture the speech (of the oracle) . (The oracle is ) very strong to benefit (and) nourish the sprouting (of) character. Tell human being(s) (the oracle's) benefit. The oracle to open (up) much (benefit for all)."

" The ideal norm (is the) oracle (of Putaki). (This) oracle is (in) a phenomenal area of the deity's power". Distribute to all humanity (the divine decree). Snare a portion (of the) pure voice. (The oracle to) send forth gladness. Agitate the mouth (of the oracle), to send forth the divination. The diviner speaks good."

Or

" The ideal norm (is this) oracle. (This) oracle (gives) divine decree.Distribute to all humanity (the divine decree). Snare a portion (of the) pure voice. (The oracle to) send forth gladness. Agitate the mouth (of the oracle), to send forth the divination. The diviner speaks good."

"The divine decree to become visible and glisten (from the oracle's own) mouth. Open up the divination. Agitate the oracle (to) send forth (now) wisdom and character. Open (the oracle) to distribute the divine decree (for all it is) lawful and righteous Good. Send forth the sustenance of the pure oracle. Stand upright (Oh oracle) to appear as a witness speaking purity. The oracle (of Putaki) to open (up and) send forth gladness and character".

"(Putaki) speaks (in) true measure, to send forth gladness (for all). Send forth nourish(ment). (The oracle Putaki is) the father of wisdom (and) benefit (for all). (The oracle) to become a visible witness of the diving decree and knowledge. (This) pure oracle speaks the divine decree (and) makes (it) a visible witness (of the deity's power)."

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Commentary


The inscriptions on the back of the Pokotia statue define the role of the Putaki oracle in the community. It would appear that the people should recognize this oracle as a source of "truth" and glad tidings. Its additional role was to establish rigtheousness, wisdom and good character for the members of the community who might use this oracle to communicate with the gods.

Throughout this inscription the Putaki oracle is called the "father". For example, in column 1, it was written that: "Proclaim the establishment of chracter. The strong father (Putaki) to send forth the divination". And, in column 4, we discover that [Putaki is] the father of wisdom (and) benefit (for all). This suggest that Putaki was recognized as the great ancestor of other oracles in the region.

This suggest that offspring of this oracle was probably situated in other parts of Peru-Bolivia, where the people went to divine the future, communicate with the gods or ancestors, or simply obtain blessing and glad tidings from the oracle.


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Discussion


Bernardo's discovery of the Pokotia monument supports the research of the Verrills that the Sumerians came to South America in search of metals. A.H Verrill and R. Verrill, Americas ancient civilizations (New York: Putnam, 1953), and J. Bailey Sailing to Paradise, (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1994) maintain that the area around Lake Titicaca may have been called Lake Manu, by the Sumerians. According to the Verrills and Bailey the Sumerians came to this area in search of tin. They support this view by a discussion of the Sumerian traditions, that Sumerians set sail to the land west of the Mediterranean that they called the "Tin land of the West" or "Sunset Land". It is interesting to note that a major center in this area is Potosi. Bailey suggest that Potosi may relate to the Sumerian term Patesi the Sumerian term for 'priest king'.

The writing on the Pokotia monument makes it clear that the Pokotia oracle was a heard by many people in ancient Bolivia. This is interesting because the Pachacamac oracle was very popular in this area in historic times. According to Moseley , satellite shrines of one or another of his offspring were worshipped by South Americans (p.68).

During Inca (Sumerian: En-ka "Great Lord") times, the temple city of Pachacamac , contained the idol of Pachacamac which was a commanding oracle drawing devotees from Ecuador in the North through Bolivia in the South. People came from far and wide for a Pachacamac prophesy (Moseley, p.68). The Pokotia statue makes it clear that the popularity of oracles in this part of South America existed all the way back in time to the creation of the Putaki oracle.

There is other support of the early presence of writing in South America dating back to ancient times. Moseley published a number of inscribed Moche bricks and a Tiwanaku portrait head. The characters on the bricks and statue are identical to the Pokotia writing. The symbols on the inscribed Moche bricks are identical to the na, I, a, mash/bi, mi, ma, po, ki, ta and su signs listed on the Pokotia sign list above. The symbols on the Tiwanaku head are identical to the me and mash/bi signs found on the Pokotia statue.

In addition to evidence from South American popular culture (oracle worship) and archaeology there is linguistic evidence that support the Sumerian presence in Bolivia. Mario Montano has found startling linguistic evidence that indicates a Sumerian substratum in the Aymara and Quechua languages. These languages are spoken in Peru-Bolivia.

Many Aymara terms relate to the metaphysical world. This is not surprising given this decipherment of the Pokotia statue and the Magna Fuente bowl which indicated that the Sumerians had established many aspects of their religion in Bolivia.

The linguistic evidence supports the view that many of these Sumerians were miners. The Sumerian term for copper was urudu, this term agrees with the Aymara terms for gold 'ouri' and copper 'anta, yawri'. The similarity between urudu and, yawri and ouri suggest that the Sumerians may have been the first people in the area to exploit the metals found throughout the Titicaca area and Bolivia.

The presence of Sumerian terms in the Aymara language, and Sumerian writing on the Fuente Magna bowl and Pokotia statue make it obvious that Sumerian civilization was formerly widespread in South America.

This leads me to believe that Bolivia and Peru, may represent the "Tin Land of the West" mentioned in the Sumerian inscriptions. If this is ture ancient Bolivia-Peru may have been called the mountains of Sunset or the "Sunset Land", by the ancient Sumerians.

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Conclusion


In summary , the Pokotia statue is an oracle. The name of this oracle was Putaki. It would appear that formerly the area where the Pokotia monolithic was found was recognized as a major religious center where citizens came to hear the oracle recited by soothsayers or shamen. The Pokotia area along with other areas further north was probably the Sunset Land.

It is interesting to note that the name for the oracle Putaki is very close to the name of the site (Pokotia) where the artifact was found. This suggest continuity between the name of the oracle and the contemporary place name.

It is also interesting to note that the Pokotia statue and Tiahuanaco monuments share similar headdresses and rib impressions along the chest area of several monuments.


Church of Tihuanaco, built with stone fron the monuments of Tihuanaco , front view . Idols of First Period of Tihuanaco, at the sides of the Church door .



Both idols differ completely from those of later periods and must be very old , judging not only by their bad state of preservation and discoloration which their rocky material , the typical sandstone of that period, has undergone, but also because they are sculptured in a realistic manner , a circumstance characteristic of the First Period. - Prof. Ing. Arthur Ponsnansky .



Here we see a comparison of the Pokotia (left) and Tiahuanaco monolithic figures. The figures appear to be either in a setting pose or standing. In both cases the hands are placed on the side of the figures. The hands on the seated figure are placed on the knees.

These statues appear to have the same headdress and similar scarification across the chest or rib cage area. The general situation of similar "scarification" across the chest and headdress suggest that these artifacts may date back to the same period.

I can not provide a date to the figure. But the fact that it was written in Sumerian, like the Fuente Magna bowl suggest that the Sumerian language continued to be spoken in this area for an extended period of time ( ). This suggest that we may find some Sumerian linguistic relations with the languages presently spoken in the area.

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Additional Comments by Dr. C. A. Winters


First of all the Sumerian language is not Semitic. Cuneiform was not just used to write Semitic languages, it was also used to write Hurrian, Hittite (Indo-European langauges), Sumerian and Elamite, languages which were not Semitic.
As a result, I hold the belief that the authors of the Fuente Bowl and Pokotia monument spoke a Sumerian language because of the appearance of both cuneiform and Proto-Sumerian symbols on these figures.
Given this visual identification of two writing systems on these artifacts we have to look at Mesopotamian history and see who used both Proto-Sumerian writing and who used cuneiform writing at the same time? The answer is: the Sumerians.
Once I arrived at this hypothesis, I had to test the Sumerian hypothesis. To test this hypothesis I had to attempt to decipher the writing by interpreting the signs using the Sumerian language.
Before I could read the text on these monuments I had to explore the origins of the Sumerian speaking people. Following the lead of Rawlinson, I compared the Sumerian language to the Dravidian and Mande languages. The languages show affinity in grammar and vocabulary. This made it clear that the speakers of this language probably came from the same original homeland.
Using archaeological and historical evidence I soon discovered that the Sumerians, Proto-Mande and Proto-Dravidians probably lived in the highland regions of Africa. I also found that through out the former homeland of the speakers of the language there were a number of symbols used by these people called Libyco-Berber writing.
During the research of these symbols I discovered that Libyco-Berber writing could not be read using the Taurag, Berbers, and Punic languages. This made it clear that the language of this writing had to be different from the speakers of these langauges.
Research indicated that the Mande speaking people formerly lived in the Sahara and ancient Libya, and that they were pushed southward as a result of the Sahara becoming a desert. Eventually I discovered the evidence that the Vai maintained that their writing was very ancient. Given the fact that the Vai syllabary had phonectic values suggested that I could use the phonectic values of the Vai writing to read the ancient Libyco-Berber writing. I tested this hypothesis, and learned that whereas the writing could not be read using Taurag and Punic, they could be read in Mande.

See:


This discovery was quite illuminating. Because it suggested that I could read other writing systems associated with the ancient Proto-Saharans (Dravidian, Sumerian and Mande speakers).

See:


Next I tried to decipher the Indus Valley writing. I knew from my linguistic work that Dravidian was a substratum in the Indo-European languages spoken in India and that there was still a Dravidian language spoken in Pakistan called Brahui.
This suggested that the Indus Valley people may have spoken a Dravdian language.
Again, I used the Vai writing.
First I gave the Indus Valley signs, the phonectic values of identical Vai signs.
Then I read the inscriptions using the Tamil language.
Voila, I was able to read the writing. Since my decipherment of the script in the 1980's I have published a grammar and dictionary of the signs which was published in three issues of the Journal of Tamil Studies.
Given the success in reading Libyco-Berber and the Indus Valley writing, it was only natural for me to read the Proto-Sumerian and Minoan A writing using Vai symbolism, because as I said earlier, the speakers of Sumerian (and the Eteo-Cretans) originally came from the Sahara. As a result, when I recognized cuneiform writing on the Fuente Bowl I hypothesized that the other symbols on the bowl might be Proto-Sumerian, my subsequent reading of the inscriptions confirmed the hypothesis.
Today, hundreds of languages can be written using our alphabet. And in ancient times cuneiform was used to write: Hurrian, Hittite, Elamite, Akkadian, Sumerian and etc. Therefore, it is not surprising that the Sumerians, Minoans, Indus Valley people, Libyco-Berber people and Mande used the same writing.

Copyright 2002 Dr. C. A. Winters

Reprinted by permission







A stone artifact found in Oruro, Bolivia contains strange inscription.
Some of the symbols are similar to the script on the Phaistos disk.


Comments


Michael White
(from amateur epigraphy group: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/Precolumbian_Inscriptions)

"I think the Oruro writing is similar to the script on the Phaistos disk. I also am of the opinion that both are related to Rongorongo and the Indus script. Solving one may solve them all."

Dr Clyde Winters:

"This tablet is very interesting to me. After a cursory examination of the
tablet, it appears that the personage on the right side of the tablet
appears to have a headdress similar to that worn by the People of the Sea
or Hittites, when they attacked Egypt around 1200 BC.
I can not read the characters on the tablet, but they appear to be
Linear B, signs similar to the writing of the Greek speaking people of
Crete. Again this is my opinion and I welcome the observation of other
people on the forum. If this tablet is authentic, it indicates that in
addition to Sumerians in ancient South America, Indo-European speaking
people also began to arrive in this area , at least by 1200 BC.
The presence of People of the Sea in South America woulkd not be too
surprising given the evidence of the cocaine Mummies. If the Egyptians were
importing cocaine from South America, it stands to reason that when the
People of the Sea made their way to Egypt, they may have learned about the
trade and decided to see if they could find a way to participate in this
probably lucarative trade of the ancient people, given the fact that some
researchers claim that cocaine was also being exported to China at this
time. No matter what the truth is, Bernardo, if this tablet is for real,
Bravo, another great find by the most active researchers on South American
epigraphy ."

BOOKS



Ancient Titicaca: The Evolution of Complex Society in Southern Peru and Northern Bolivia
by Charles Stanish
University of California Press; ISBN: 0520232453; (January 6, 2003)
"No previous writer has attempted such an ambitious synthesis of the archaeology of Southern Peru and Northern Bolivia. Stanish is to be congratulated for his bold and successful endeavor. In this book he offers his readers an impressively broad range of archaeological, historic and cultural data and presents a coherent and plausible interpretation of the evolution of society in the greater Titicaca Basin. It is exciting that this material will now be available to Andean specialists and students of comparative civilization alike. This work will be required reading in university level courses and a regular presence on the bookshelves of Andean scholars for years to come."-Garth Bawden, author of The Moche "This case study of prehispanic cultural evolution in the Titicaca Basin addresses issues of broad general interest, not only to Andeanists but also to scholars working in many other parts of the world where archaic states and empires developed from simpler cultural forms. Stanish, who has been working along the forefront of research on the Titicaca Basin, brings a very large body of new data to bear upon major theoretical concerns in evolutionary anthropology. This book makes the Titicaca Basin archaeological record much more accessible than it ever has been in the past. It is a major contribution, and will surely be a landmark study for years to come."-Jeffrey R. Parsons, co-author of 2000 Prehispanic Settlement Patterns in the Upper Mantaro and Tarma Drainages, Junin, Peru
About the Author
Charles Stanish is Professor of Anthropology and Director of the Cotsen Institute of Archaeology at the University of California, Los Angeles. His earlier works include Ritual and Pilgrimage in the Ancient Andes: The Islands of the Sun and the Moon (2001, with Brian Bauer) and Ancient Andean Political Economy (1992).
Atlantis in America:
Navigators of the Ancient World

by Ivar Zapp, George Erikson
This is the best summer reading I've had in years. Forget the old stories about Atlantis, this book is an excellent resource for proof of transatlantic travel in ancient times. It is scholarly and meticulously researched. There is nothing sensational here, the authors do a fine job in connecting various ancient cultures. Great for research purposes.

LINKS

Saturday, March 17, 2012

No Kill



                The Owner Of This Blog Strongly Endorses
                the No-Kill Policy As Regards Bigfoot and/or
         Any Other Currently Uncatalogued Large Hominids

Friday, March 16, 2012

Coneheads again, And more on Adena Giant Warriors in Peru

Continuing on Coneheads

Reprint of a December 2011 Bones Don't Lie Blog:
Not Aliens, Just Humans with Modified Crania

Cranial deformation has been the cause of much debate and fascination. The unique shape of the skulls from the Nasca even inspired the most recent Indiana Jones adventure. The elongated skulls and flattened foreheads have created speculation of evidence of aliens or satanic practices. Even this past year, the Daily Mail claimed that skulls found in Peru were potentially those of extraterrestrials. According to the article there are three anthropologists that all agree that these are not human. However, we know that this practice is not only easy to accomplish in humans, but also continues in cultures today (even our own). Moving beyond psuedoarchaeology claims, scholars have still been debating the reasons and methods behind the deformation for hundreds of years. The December 2010 publication from the Journal of Neurosurgery discusses cranial modification from a number of perspectives.

The basic architecture of the human skull is made up of six bones, the occipital, the frontal, two parietal and two temporal bones. While the skull itself is solid in adulthood, the cranial bones of children are malleable. The reason for this is to allow for growth of the brain and head throughout childhood. However, if pressure is applied in certain areas for a long duration during childhood, the shape of the skull can be changed. The bone will slowly ossify into the shape that it is pressed into, making it a permanent feature. Enchev et al. (2010) even note that there likely wasn’t any major neurological damage. Most modified skulls are from adults and old adults, suggesting that it doesn’t create permanent damage.
Cranial vault modification can be achieved through a number of means. Enchev et al. (2010) discuss two types of modification: tabular or annular. Tabular, or “flat-head” modification involves compressing the fontal and occipital with fixed, erect boards or pads. This creates a lateral bulging of the head. A variation on this is when vertical boards are placed higher up on the back of the head to produce more upright modification. Annular modification is produced when bands are wrapped around the forehead and the back of the skull to force the bone to grow upright. Examination of modified crania show that they often vary by individual, attributed to the nature of bone growth and idiosyncratic variation in the application of bands and boards.
Another common term applied to these skulls is cranial deformity, however this term implies that the shape was unwanted or a malformation. Cranial deformities more accurately reflect the change in shape due to the birthing procedure or accidental distortion. One example of this is when infants are strapped to cradle boards, a practice often found in indigenous American populations as a way to protect the neck of the infant during travel.
However, it is unlikely that the changes found in the skulls of Peruvian and Egyptian populations are due to accident. This leads to the question of intent and purpose. In order to understand the reasons for the change, it is important to look at the social and political context of the practice, as well as the identity of the individual and their place within society. Ayer et al. (2010) argue that deformation was a sign of political and socioeconomic status. In support of their hypothesis, they examine a selection of modified crania in Peru and Egypt.
The earliest modified skulls in Peru date between 6000 and 7500 BCE, with the majority of remains from this period showing signs of deformation. There is potential evidence between 1350 to 1200 BCE in Egypt. It has only been found there in elite individuals, and doesn’t appear to be a widespread practice. Ayer et al. (2010) argue that the modification was a literal symbol of being the head of the state. Romero-Vargas et al. (2010) discussed the role of modification in the Maya. In the classic Mayan period, 250 to 900 CE, cranial modification consisted of creating a more erect frontal bone using compression pads. A 16th century Spanish chronicler, Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo, asked the Mayan why their heads were a different shape, and the reasons behind the modification. They responded: “This is done because our ancestors were told by the gods that if our heads were thus formed we should appear noble and handsome and better able to bear burdens”. Romero-Vargas et al. (2010) argue that the practice has religious and sociocultural meaning, and it is an integral part of someone’s identity.
While the cranial modification issue from the Journal of Neurosurgery does discuss a number of really interesting topics, they do not explore the issue in any depth. Modifying the cranium is a major undertaking and occurred in a variety of cultures through different forms and methods. However, it continues today in order to create the perfect shapes. See Kristina Killgrove’s post on cranial modification and its modern occurrence. It is important to look at the cultural background and compare it against other occurrences. Currently there is only speculation as to the reasons and purposes of the modification.
Works Cited
Ayer A, Campbell A, Appelboom G, Hwang BY, McDowell M, Piazza M, Feldstein NA, & Anderson RC (2010). The sociopolitical history and physiological underpinnings of skull deformation. Neurosurgical focus, 29 (6) PMID: 21121715
Romero-Vargas, S., Ruiz-Sandoval, J., Sotomayor-González, A., Revuelta-Gutiérrez, R., Celis-López, M., Gómez-Amador, J., García-González, U., López-Serna, R., García-Navarro, V., Mendez-Rosito, D., Correa-Correa, V., & Gómez-Llata, S. (2010). A look at Mayan artificial cranial deformation practices: morphological and cultural aspects Neurosurgical FOCUS, 29 (6) DOI: 10.3171/2010.9.FOCUS10200
Enchev Y, Nedelkov G, Atanassova-Timeva N, & Jordanov J (2010). Paleoneurosurgical aspects of Proto-Bulgarian artificial skull deformations. Neurosurgical focus, 29 (6) PMID: 21121717

http://bonesdontlie.wordpress.com/2011/12/22/not-aliens-just-humans-with-modified-crania/
Against this we have the statements of the Alien Origin enmthusiasts. It is to be admitted that some of the reconstructions shown on this video look reasonable enough. This Pracas necropolis has ben the center of interest for the Defdormed crania seekers. Although Paracas culture runs back to 700 BC or before, the most of the mummies dig up in the Paracas tombs date from 200 BC to 200 AD approximately. These people are thought to have come down from the north and have some relationship to the Olmecs as their predecessoirs of the Cavin culture are suspected to have been. But from the shape of the skulls of some of the mummies, their people came from further North still: some of them are of the same physical type as the Adena Mound Builders of the Ohio Valley.

Unmodified Andean skull, similar type to the usual inhabitants of the Eastern USA since Archaic times, derived Paleoindiann like and rather long-headed.
Adena Type from Ohio Valley, with the usual severe front-to-back cranial compression

More elongated Peruvian Paracas skull showing the more elongated type more popular there, but once again the strong s and heavy jaw typical of the Adena.

Two skulls from mummies with some preserved flesh still adhering, more typical Adena cranial flattening with once again the same kind of heavy facial features and heavy jaw. Some have seen a resemblance to the giant states of Easter Island in the conformation of the facial features.

 Diagrams Illustrating how the skulls of infants were deformed


Museum of the necropolis at Paracas, Peru. The cemetery is noted for the fine quality of the textiles that the mummies were wrapped in. The Verills thought that some of the textiles incorportated messages written in old-world scripts such as the Hittite script from what is now Turkey. (America's Ancient Civilizations)
http://solomonspalding.com/SRP/saga2/sagawt0a.htm

On pages 308-323 of his 1808 book, Travels in America, Thomas Ashe describes his inspection of one of several different ancient Indian mounds he visited in the then thinly settled Ohio valley. He gives an especially detailed account of how he and his helper visited a mound near the banks of the Muskingum river, climbed to its summit, lifted flagstones at the top, and descended into an artificial vault where Ashe reportedly discovered ancient relics and ancient writing. What is particularly interesting about Ashe's account is that he also speaks of "Mound-Builder" giants in his story of opening that particular mound. On pages 321-323 of his book, Thomas Ashe speculates that the pre-Columbian inhabitants of North America were inclined to select for their top leaders men of gigantic stature. Although Ashe's notion may not represent a universal truth, there are occasional documented instances of the leaders or "upper classes" in certain socially stratified Indian groups possessing an extraordinary stature. See, for example, "Tomb of Giants" on pp. 64-65 of the March 2001 issue of National Geographic for a depiction of "giants" in a Moche burial in Peru.






Moche Elite Compared to Average Indian
© 2001, National Geographic Society
http://ngm.nationalgeographic.com/ngm/0103/feature3/index.html
Extravagant grave goods add to the mystery of this ancient people of Peru.




Get a taste of what awaits you in print from this compelling excerpt.

The large copper bowl lay within my grasp, undisturbed for 1,500 years since it had been placed upside down over the dead man’s face. Our team had worked more than a month to reach this point in the excavation of one of the richest and most intriguing tombs ever found in Peru—the tomb of a Moche elite.

The Moche inhabited a series of river valleys along the arid coastal plain of northern Peru from about A.D. 100 to 800. Through farming and fishing, they supported a dense population and highly stratified society that constructed irrigation canals, pyramids, palaces, and temples. Although they had no writing system, the Moche left a vivid artistic record of their activities in beautiful ceramic vessels, elaborately woven textiles, colorful murals, and wondrous objects of gold, silver, and copper.

Finding undisturbed Moche tombs is rare in an area that has been looted for more than four centuries, yet from 1997 to 1999 our team of U.S. and Peruvian researchers discovered three extraordinary tombs at Dos Cabezas, an ancient settlement in the lower Jequetepeque Valley. Outside each burial chamber was a miniature tomb containing a small copper statue meant to represent the tomb’s principal occupant. Each tomb also contained a remarkably tall adult male who would have been a giant among his peers. [Emphasis added-DD]

Gently lifting the copper bowl, I expected to see a skeletonized face. But
instead, looking up at me with inlaid eyes, was an exquisite gold-and-copper
funerary mask. We were all astonished and knew then how important these
tombs could be to unraveling the mystery of the Moche.

Get the whole story in the pages of National Geographic magazine

--This article once again emphasizes that the Warrior elite in the Americas was carefully selected from the larger individuals and bred into a special class, training for combat throug gladiatorial excercises and not actually employed locally for warfare.  Iton that they were shipped off to fight wars elsewhere, particularly in the Mid East,. And if you do not believe that Peru was diectly connected to Mesopotamia in tye early days (The Verrills have a LOT of evidence on this point), themn have a look at a piece of pottery found at Tiahuanaco which has an inscription on the inside in the cuneiform script common in Babylonia and associated nations: