While working on the Archaics and Hopewell Moundbuilders article I had found some additional interesting informatuion that I thought would go better as a separate article.
The statement I made that the ethnic groups of all the types at the Upper Cave does not mean they are adjacent on the chart: instead I was drawing attemtion to the fact that skull "B" of the robust series is one such out of the ethnic groups represented at the Upper cave Choukoudian, the (male) Capelinha skull separted out of the bottom row at right represents another group, represented by a (female) Upper Cave skull (The "Melanesian" one)
and one of the CroMagnon-mixes is closest to the Upper Cave male skull (The skull C here is just a bit too far along into European Cromagnon morphology to count for that, but other skulls in the area are easily of that same "Eastern-Cromagnon" type) Nor yet is it possible the same assemblage crossed over the Bering straits together and marched down to Brazil unmodified to turn up there in the same asortment: the same assortment does NOT appear in North America at the time.
This also clears up another mystery: for decades reports had been coming out about the skulls at Lagoa Santa in Brazil, one of the associated habitation sites in the area, which alleged either Neanderthal or CroMagnon skuls were to be found there. Critics doubted the statements because they said both statements could not be right.
. This is a most wonderful asociation. Some critics do not realise, there are
Please note, some of the Brazilian skulls have the type of cranial deformation as seen in Ice-Age Australia: others have more of the North American Moundbuilder shape and type of cranial deformation, which makes the skulls
Lemurian/Australoid remnant skull Left, Atlantean newcomers Right (African/Mechta type)
a large Brazilian Shellmound, about 45 feet tall: these mounds typically come in rounded or conical; mounds, rings, or in combination of rings and cones. They are made up of remnants of meals, but they also serve as ritual places or for burials.
a dolphin, Such sites give evidence for the exploitation of marine mammals as well as for fishing.
Archaic-type stone tools such as found in the mounds: these start from before 10000 years ago.
As posted on a Brazilian site: note the information given is at variance to the usual English-speaking world's version of world history:
[Note, as of january 2012, these illustrations appear to have gone missing from the originating site]
sambaqui pottery, surprisingly similar to the oldest pottery found in mounds in the Southern USA
Potsherds from Mauretania, cited on one website as parallel to Brazilian types of similar age
[11] T.A. Lima, K.D. Macario, R.M. Anjos, P.R.S. Gomes, M.M.
Coimbra, and D. Elmore. Submitted to Nucl. Instr. Meth. in
Phys.Res.(2002).
[12] T.A. Lima, K.D. Macario, R.M. Anjos, P.R.S. Gomes, M.M.
A. Kinoshitaa,b, L. Figutyc, and O. Baffaa
a Universidade de S˜ao Paulo, DFM-FFCLRP, Av. Bandeirantes, 3900, 14040-901, Ribeir˜ao Preto, SP, Brazil
b Universidade do Sagrado Corac¸˜ao, R. Irm˜a Arminda 10-50 , 17011-160, Bauru, SP, Brazil and
Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia, Setor de Arqueologia. Av. Prof. Almeida Prado 1466,
Abstract: Brazilian sambaquis, as other shell mounds all around the world, are prehistoric sites that represent extraordinary
strategies of coastal adaptation. They are intentionally build and preserve cultural as well as biological remains. Thousands of
burials offer precious material for bioarchaeological investigation. Differences in cultural and environmental conditions along 6.000
years, as well as a peculiar geographical distribution along the southeastern coast of Brazil, make these sites interesting subjects to
investigate adaptability and health. Their disapearance was about 1.300 years before present. Their possible contact with ceramists
and other people are still to be explained.
Key words: Sambaqui, shell mound, Brazil, coastal adaptation, funerary monuments
Resumé: Les sambaquis brésiliens, comme d’autres amas coquilles du monde, sont parmi les groupes prehistoriques du Brèsil qui
signalent le développement d’une estrategie extraordinaire d’adaptation au litoral. Sa construction fut intentionnel et c’est possible y
rencontrer des vestiges culturels ainsi que biologiques. Les milliers de sépultures preservées aux sambaquis sont une source assez
importante pour la recherche bio-archéologique. La distribution geographique peculiaire, au long du litoral sud et sud-est, ainsi que
les changements culturels et d’environnement pendant 6.000 d’annés, faisent les sambaquis très interresants pour les investigations
sur la santé et l’adaptabilité. Sa disparition à l’envion 1300 ans BP et la possibilité du contact aux groupes ceramistes sont encore
sujets qui restent a expliquer.
Mots clés: Sambaqui, amas de coquilles, Brezil, adptation au litoral, monument funeraire
The symposium BIOARCHAEOLOGY AT THE MIDST
OF SHELLS was proposed to discuss similarities and
differences between the shell mounds in Portugal and
Brazil. To help the participants discussing the proposed
theme the organizers decided to add brief comments to
the oral presentation presenting the state of art on the
archaeology of the marine and riverside shell mounds.
This paper reports the archaeology of the Brazilian marine
sambaquis, emphasizing the interest in recovering and
analyzing more bioarchaeological data about the people
who built those mounds.
Sambaqui is the local name for Brazilian shell mounds, a
very common type of prehistoric site. Similar to other
ones that are found all around the world, they are also
burial places. Preserving human skeletons, the sambaquis
are extraordinary windows that let us know more about
lifestyle and health in the past. In Brazil the sambaquis
does exist especially along the southeastern coast, as an
expression of a new economic strategy of intense
exploitation of the environments close to the estuaries,
lagoons, mangroves and sea. The biggest marine
sambaquis are found in Santa Catarina State, but others of
smaller sizes are also found in Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo,
Paraná and Espírito Santo States, where more than one
thousand of them have already been registered. Most of
them have been destroyed before any research. About 5%
of them were minimally excavated and less than 1%
provided human remains for scientific studies.
These sites are composed by layers of mollusk shells, fish
bones and other faunal remains charcoal, polished as well
as flaked lithic instruments as axes, grinding stones, arrow
points among others. Archeological structures such as
hearths and burials with different types of funerary
offerings are also found (Prous, 1992; Figuti, 1993;
Gaspar, 2000; Gaspar et al., 2008). Although excavated
for more than one hundred years, there is no consensus
among scholars about them and classifications are based
in different criteria such as morphology, geographical
location, shell composition, etc. Zooliths, beautiful
polished stone sculptures representing animals are found
in some of them (Prous, 1992). Ceramics is present in a
small number of sites, grouped in the same area. The
interpretation of sambaqui has changed through time.
First they were viewed as midden left over by small
mollusk eating nomadic bands. Today they are seen as
monumental constructions intentionally built as
landmarks by sedentary fisher groups (DeBlasis XXX,
Figuti, XXX, DeMasi, XXX).
Despite temporal and regional variation, there are
unifying factors among the sambaquis that allow to try to
interpret them as a “cultural unit”, as proposed by Gaspar
(1994/1995). Eating, feasting, working, burying the dead
and daily activities were carried out at the same sopot.
Differences among the sites are not necessary because of
cultural differences but they may express adaptability
along the coast, changing economy, feeding habits and
even the use of certain artifacts, as strongly suggested by
the variability even inside the same site.
Today the sambaquis are recognized as the expression of
intentional accumulation of shells and soil to build
platforms. In Brazil these territorial marks can reach 30m
high and 400m length (Fig. 8.1). Such a building effort
certainly required a big amount of energy, a lot of social
organization. Big groups and long periods of continuous
occupation occurred in some sites. There are hundreds of
burials in the biggest sambaquis. Most of the sambaquis
are grouped in coastal areas signaling to the areas rich in
natural resources and fresh water supply, but also to some
king of social articulation. Archaeological remains proved
that fishing, collecting shellfish/plants and chasing
terrestrial and marine animals were the main economic
activities. Low mobility, abundance of resources, bigger
groups, some social complexity and possible social
interaction between sites is supposed to have occurred
(Lima, 1999-2000). Ideological, aesthetic and religious
development is inferred from the burials.
Coastal environment provides good and abundant proteins
for food. The Atlantic forest and the restingas provide
fruits and other starch sources. The existence of
predictable natural resources along the coast was a
positive factor to explain the success of sambaqui
lifestyle. Sharing simple and efficient artifacts made of
mammal and shark teeth, fish and mammal bones, shells,
simple flaked rock crystals and pebble stones, the well
succeeded sambaquis expanded in time and space.
Amazing polished stone artifacts (Fig. 8.2) in the graves
point to cultural variability along the coast. As of now,
about 1.600 skeletons were recovered in 60 different
Brazilian sites. One of the biggest questions for
bioarchaeologists today is if they are able to elucidate the
unity and diversity of that people. For many decades
questions about the biological characteristics of the
sambaqui people have been asked (Alvim, 1978). New
answers to ancient questions come from the studies on
paleopathology, paleodiet, paleodemography.
Geographical distribution of the sambaquis and their
temporal persistence (9.000 to 1.300 BP). Brazilian sites
distinguish from sites in other parts of the world, this
richness points to a well succeeded strategy in tropical
environments. At the same time it helps to explain
variability in culture and biological cost of each lifestyles.
49
Fig. 8.2. Sculptures made of polished stones representing coastal fauna
are characteristics of Brazilian shellmounds
These characteristics are guidelines to discuss paleoepide-
miological models for sambaquis. Their adaptability was
proved by the ability to explore different ecotones along
the productive and predictable coastal waters, resulting in
the intense exploration of the mangroves, beaches,
shallow water lagoons, rocky coastal reefs, sandy plains
and estuarine areas as fishing-hunting-collecting fields.
Holocene sambaqui lifestyle had the climax between
5.000 and 3.000 y.b.p. The consequences of the contact
with other prehistoric people is not clear, in special the
ceramists that arrived at the coast 800 to 1.300 years
before present (Gaspar, 1994-1995). When the villages of
the Itararé tradition and the Tupi and Guarani finally
dominated the coast, sambaqui people was not there any
more. For some authors, lifestyle based on the water born
resources was simply adapted to include domestication of
plants like manioc, maize and yams. The systematic use
of seasonal natural carbohydrate provided by seasonal
sources such as Brazilian pine could happen along with
the water protein intake in coastal environments. New
data on paleonutrition may help to elucidate this hypo-
thesis in the next future (Weslowski et al., 20007). A great
number of coastal sites are not characteristic sambaquis
but share common artifacts and economic characteristics,
suggesting that changes and diversity may have just been
adaptative. Village settlements with or without ceramics
can be found especially along the last millennia in the
areas where sambaquis were dominant 4.000 or more
years before. Comparative studies of groups living in true
sambaquis and other sites will possibly help to elucidate
their possible biological relationships.
Concerning our present research, some questions are in
the base of the bioarchaeology of the sambaquis: Were all
the sambaqui groups similar? What was the biologic
impact o their cultural differences? What was the impact
of their lifestyles in health? Were they really well adapted
as supposed? Which were their biological relationships to
50
Referências bibliográficas
ALVIM, M.C. de Me. 1978. Caracterização da
morfologia craniana de populações pré-histõricas ddo
litoral meridional brasileiro (Paraná e Santa Catarina).
Arquivos de Anatomia e Antropologia do Instituto
Souza Marques (Rio de Janeiro) III: 293-318.
De MASI, M.A.N. 1999. Prehistoric hunter gatherer
mobility on the southern brazilian coast: Santa Ca-
tarina Island. Tese de Doutorado: Stanford University.
FIGUTI, L. 1993. O homem pré-histórico, o molusco e o
sambaqui: considerações sobre a subsistência dos
povos sambaquianos. Revista do Museu de
Arqueologia e Etnologia (São Paulo) 3: 67-80.
GASPAR, M.D. 1994-1995. Espaços, ritos funerários e
identidade pré-histórica. Revista do Museu de
Arqueologia e Etnologia (São Paulo) 8(2):221-237.
GASPAR, M.D.; De BLASIS, P.; FISH, S.K.; FISH, P.R.
2008. Sambaqui (Shell mound) societies of coastal
Brazil. In: Helaine Silverman & William H. Isabelli
(Eds.) Handbook of South American Archaeology.
Springer: p. 319-338.
LIMA, T.A. 1999-2000. Em Busca dos Frutos do mar: os
Pescadores-coletores do Litoral Centro-sul do Brasil.
Revista USP, 44:270-332.
PROUS, A. 1992. Arqueologia brasileira. Editora da
Universidade de Brasília: Brasília.
WESOLOWSKI, V.; SOUZA, S.M.F. M. de;
REINHARD, K.J.; CECCANTINNI, G. 2007.
Grânulos de amido e fitólitos em cálculos dentários
humanos> contribuições ao estudo do modo de vida e
subsistência dos grupos sambaquianos do litoral sul do
Brasil. Revista do Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia
Gustavo Wagnera,*, Klaus Hilberta, Dione Bandeirab, Maria Cristina Tenórioc,
Maria Mercedes Okumurad
aPontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul, Av. Ipiranga, 6681, Partenon, CEP: 90619-900, Porto Alegre, Rio Grande do Sul, BrazilbMuseu Arqueológico de Sambaqui de Joinville, Rua Dona Francisca, 600, Centro, CEP: 89201-250 Joinville, Santa Catarina, BrazilcUniversidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro -Museu Nacional, s/n, Quinta da Boa Vista, CEP: 20940-040, Rio de Janeiro, BrazildUniversity of Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Street, Cambridge, CB2 1QH, United Kingdom
a r t i c l e i n f o
Article history:
Available online 21 March 2011
a b s t r a c t
The Brazilian shell mounds called sambaquis have been well known since the 16th century when clergy,
travelers, and members of the colonial administration wrote the ?rst narratives of Portuguese America.
However,itwasonlyduring the secondquarterof the 19thcentury that, under the ordersof theImperial
Government, the ?rst scienti?c expeditions carried out systematic research on these archaeological sites.
The sambaquis ofBrazil arefound in the costal regions of the southand southeast, fromthe coastof what
is today Espírito Santo State to the Rio Grande do Sul State. The oldest dates come from the states Rio de
Janeiroand São Paulo,indicating that therewas an occupation asfar backas the 6th centuryBC. The sites
are to be found in coves, sandy plains dominated by beach-ridges, rocky outcrops, mangrove groves,
lagoons,estuariesorlargebays.Thislandscapevariabilityisequallyexpressedinthematerialcultureand
resource exploitation, which are characterized by a variety of adaptive strategies and diversity between
the various cultural contexts.
2011 Elsevier Ltd and INQUA. All rights reserved.
1. Introduction
The earliest references to the large accumulation of mollusc
valves in Brazilian territory are attributed to the Jesuit Fernão
Cardim in 1584, who described the process of shell accumulation,
originating from momentary occupations, for the purpose of
mollusc collection and subsequently for smoking on a móquem
(grill-like device used to smoke meats) to supply the inland
villages. In 1585, the Jesuit José de Anchieta mentioned islands of
shells found along the Brazilian coast. In 1587, Gabriel Soares de
Sousa described in detail the molluscs used by the Tupinambá of
thecoastofBahiaforconstructingtheshellmounds.The1797work
of the Jesuit Gaspar da Madre Deus described the funeral customs
during seasonal occupations on the surface of the sites. However,
during the 19th century the sambaquis captured the interestof the
Emperor Dom Pedro II, who sent several scienti?c commissions to
study the nation’s pre-historic past, and even personally oversaw
the excavations of the sambaquis of Rio Sant’Ana, in Santos (Souza,
1991; Wagner, 2009a).
In Brazil, these sites are found more commonly between the
temperate latitudes (Fig. 1) while they become less frequent at
warmer or colder latitudes (cf. Fairbridge, 1976). There are refer-
ences to shell mounds in the states of the northeast such as Bahia,
Maranhão and Pará, although information is still inadequate to
include them in the typical sambaqui occupations of the Brazilian
coast (Prous, 1992; Lima, 1999e2000; Tenório, 2003; Wagner,
2009b).
Thearcheologicalsitesconsideredtobe sambaquisexistonlyon
the coast of the south and southeast regions of Brazil and include
the states of Espírito Santo,Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo,Paraná, Santa
CatarinaandRioGrandedoSul(Fig.1).Thisarcheologicalcultureis
characterized by the outstanding technical quality of stone pol-
ishing, seen in zoomorphic sculptures of signi?cant aesthetic and
artistic value. These sculptures are called zooliths, and they were
considered as fossil guides to identify sites pertaining to the sam-
baqui archeological culture.
However, research of the sambaquis of the Brazilian coast has
notbeendoneinahomogeneousfashionovertheyears.Duringthe
1950s, research was concentrated in the south and southeast
regions with an emphasis on the states of São Paulo and Paraná.
During the following decades, the investments and the interests
were relocated toward the state of Santa Catarina, and during the
1980s and 1990s research emphasis shifted toward Rio de Janeiro.
Currently most of the research attention is geared toward Santa
Catarina. The research in the border states of the sambaqui
archeological culture, Espírito Santo and Rio Grande do Sul, have
dFig. 1. Map of Brazil and the Brazilian states mentioned in the text.
G. Wagner et al. / Quaternary International 239 (2011) 51e605
received isolated efforts and have been restricted to a few institu-
tions, especially in the 1960s and then in the 1980s.
Attempts to achieve synthesis have been proposed, both from
the perspective of the material culture as well as from the bio-
archeological point of view (Schmitz, 1984; Netto, 1885; Neves,
1988; Ihering, 1904; Prous, 1992; Lima, 1999e2000; Okumura,
2008). However, the burial patterns, the archaeofaunal assem-
blages, the material cultures, the settlement patterns, and the
explored environments are very diverse, hampering the ability to
de?ne the characteristics of speci?c cultural areas.
Sambaquisarede?nedasarcheologicalsitesthatcontainaspeci?c
tool set made of shells, bones, and stone associated with a matrix
made up of mollusc shells and ?sh bones, where also are normally
encounteredburials.Actually,this ismerelyageneralway to de?ne
theseoccupationsthatextendalongthesouthandsoutheastcoastof
Brazil, where regionally speci?c characteristics, in cultural material
aswellastheinternalstructureofthesites,demonstratethediversity
oftherelatedculturalcontexts.Theterm“shellmounds”willbeused
in this paper to refer to the archeological sites made up of layers of
shells related to any other of the archeological cultures that are
separatefromthesambaquimound-builders.
Intermsoftheculturalconnectionbetweenthesambaquisthat
are found in this vast territory, Gaspar (2000) states that at least
the sambaquis of the south and southeast of Brazil were built by
groups that shared the same ethnic identity. Comparing the data
of more than 900 sambaquis, Gaspar discovered that they exist
simultaneously as a living area, a burial spot, and an intentional
collection of animal remains. Although there are unique regional
characteristics, this “triple space association” is the key that
allows the population that built sambaquis to be de?ned as an
ethnic group that is distinct from other populations that were
their contemporaries.
2. History of sambaqui research in Brazil
The ?rst references to the existence of sambaquis along the
Brazilian coast date as far back as the 16th century. Since then, these archeological sites have been the target of research and
speculation, providing current archeologists with an extensive set
of information about the peoples that built them and theircultural
contents.
The information produced during the 16th, 17th, and 18th
century is characterized by the observations from travelers, cler-
gymen, and members of the colonial administration that some-
times witnessed the events related to the sambaquis. An intense
debate about the origins of the sambaquis was started during the
19th century. The opinions were divided between three major
schools of thought:
1) The naturalist, represented primarily by Hermann von Iher-
ing, advocating the ideas of the natural origin of the sambaquis as
a result of the marine oscillations and the coastal rising (epi-
rogenisis) dating back to the Tertiary period, and
2) The artificialist, represented primarily byLadisláu Netto,who
believed the sambaquis were the results of pre-historic human
activity. The ?rst thirty years of the 20th century were marked by
a heated debate and the strengthening of a conciliatory position
based on the observations of the artificial sambaquis placed on top
of the natural accumulation of mollusc valves
.
3) The mixed school of thought, ?nally, contributed to clarify the
issue and bring an end to the debates (Wagner, 2009a).
During the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s, a modern scienti?c
approach was applied to sambaqui archeology, primarily through
thecontributionsofforeignresearcherssuchasEmperaire,Laming,
Hurt and Bryan. The excavations carried out by these researchers
stimulated many Brazilian archeologists from the universities and
museums of the states of Santa Catarina, Paraná, São Paulo and Rio
de Janeiro, promoting more intense excavations and systematic
research as well as comparative studies between different samba-
quis (Prous,1992; Lima,1999+2000).
New Archeology and Processual Archaeology considerably
in?uenced the research of Brazilian sambaquis from the 1980s
exploring human adaptation to different environments and the
speci?c exploitation strategies of the resources, as well as the
development of research themes such as zooarcheology and bio-
archeology.OnlyduringthistimeperiodwerethesambaquisofRio
GrandedoSulthetargetofsystematicresearch,connectingthemto
the group of sambaqui occupations of the Brazilian coast (Lima,
1990+2000).
3. Sambaquis of the Brazilian coast
The Sambaquis of the State of Rio Grande do Sul, in the south-
ernmost region of Brazil, have been targeted for archeological
research since the final years of the 19th century, when naturalists
(andlaterethnologists)begantravellingintheregion.Theworksof
T. Bischoff (1887), C. von Koseritz (1884), E. Roquette-Pinto (1906)
and A. Serrano (1937) are among the most important. The area
surrounding the cities of Tramandaí and Torres, along the state’s
northern coast (Fig. 2), is the area of the highest frequency of
sambaquis (Wagner, 2009b).
The lithic assemblage includes polished axe blades, polishers,
weightsfor fishingnets andlines,hammerstones,flakes,aswellas
thermophores and lithic vessels of different shapes (Kern, 1997).
The raw materials used as support were the acidic stones such as
basalt and dolerite, as well as different types of sandstone and
beachrock (Wagner, 2009a). The Torres sites were mined for lime
extraction from the beginning of 19th century, and only some
collectionssurvive,savedandstoredbyresearchinstitutionsinSão
Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, in museums of Porto Alegre, or in private
collections. However, during the miningof these sites ?fty zooliths
were discovered (Kern, 1970; Prous, 1977). Tools made from bone
are rare but typical artifacts made of this material are needles andprojectile points from mammal bone, hooks from fish bones,
spatulas from cetacean bone, and pendants from the Carcharhini-
dae family of sharks (Jacobus,1997).
The malacological content of the sites in Rio Grande do Sul is
uniquewhenitiscomparedtotheregionsintherestofthecountry.
The shells of the Mesodesma mactroides (yellow clam) species,
representtheonlyshellcomponentofthesesiteslayers,withsome
rare occurrence of Donax hanleyanus (wedge clam) or the even
more rare gastropod species. This peculiarity is due to a unique
characteristic of the State’s littoral zone and shoreface, character-
ized by a gradual slope creating an extensive intertidal zone (Rios,
1994).
The environments that were chosen for sambaqui occupation
are the plateaus on top of beach-ridges in the area between the
coastal lakes and the Atlantic Ocean. The few Rio Grande do Sul
sites with radiocarbondating available point to arecent occupation
between 3420 ? 60 BP (sambaqui do Camping), 3350 ? 50 BP
(sambaqui do Recreio), and 1110 ? 40 BP (sambaqui da Dorva)
(Wagner, 2009b).
Set at an altitude of 22 m, on top of a rocky outcrop, the sam-
baqui de Itapeva is an exception when compared to the sambaqui
settlement pattern of the region. However, the radiocarbon date of
3130?40BPplacesthesitewithinthesamechronologicalhorizon
of the sambaquis settlement in the far south of Brazil.
Between southern Santa Catarina and Espírito Santo State, the
coast is marked by a series of rocky outcrops that belong to the
SerradoMar.Theseformationsconstrainthedevelopmentofsandy
plateaus and ample beaches. In these regions, the sambaquis are
concentrated along the lagoon areas and in the inland portions of
large bays.
In the State of Santa Catarina, the geomorphological settings
upon which the sambaquis were built are characterized by diverse
environments such as islands, the inland portion of bays,
mangroves, channels, beach-ridges, rocky outcrops, and sandy
dunes. The information acquired so far suggests that the first
settlementwas around 7570-7320 cal BC (Rio Caipora), continuing
until 710 ? 95 BC (sambaqui da Caieira), showing an ample chro-
nological frame of around 6000 years, preceding the beginning of
European colonization by 200 years.
The subsistence pattern denotes an exploitation of marine and
terrestrial environment. The molluscs that make up the archeo-
logical layers originate from the bay and the mangrove areas.
Among the most utilized are the berbigão (Anomalocardia bra-
siliana), the oyster (Ostrea sp.) and the bacucú (Modiolus brasi-
liensis). The fishing activities are represented by a variety of tools
made of bone in the shape of hooks, lances, harpoons, and needles
formaintenanceofthenets.Fishingnetweightsfromstonepebbles
are commonly found with polished, perforated, or flaked grooves.
Adzes and polished ax blades suggest that boats were built allow-
ing for the exploration of the various environments from the
multitudeofseaandriverislandsoccupiedbythesambaquigroups
along the coast of Santa Catarina, Paraná, São Paulo, and Rio de
Janeiro. In Santa Catarina sites there is the occurrence of realistic
zoomorphic stone sculptures, pecked stones, hammer stones,
grindstones on fixed support and lithic vessels with different
shapes.
The gathering of plants was also part of the dietary assemblage
of the sambaqui peoples. Research carried out on human teeth
indicatesthattheconsumptionofvegetableswasimportantforthe
MorrodoOuroandRioCompridosites(Fig.3).Thepresenceofstarch
grains from Discorea sp. (yams), identified in skeleton teeth of the
sambaqui Morro do Ouro is an example of this consumption
(Wesolowski, 2000, 2007).
The southern region of the State of Santa Catarina is character-
ized by the presence of monumental sambaquis with sites 30 min
height and 500 m in length. Sixty-five sambaquis in the area have
been studied, all dating to between 5270 ? 60 BP (Ilhotinha) and
710?95BP(sambaquidaCaieira)(Fig.4),andsetalongthemarginsof palaeo-lagoons that were the epicenters of the occupation
(Kneip, 2004; Giannini et al., 2010). The sites vary in format,
volume, distribution, and composition, where the older ones are
smaller,indicatingasingleconstructionepisode.Duringtheperiod
between 4000 and 2000 BP, there was an increased demographic
expansion and an increase in the amount of sambaquis. It is during
this period, between 2890 ? 55 and 1805 ? 65 BP, that the
sambaqui Jabuticabeira II (one of the largest and considered
a communal cemetery), was built using superimposed layers of
shells and sediment over burials (Villagrán, 2008). The sambaquis
werea ritual space related tothe dead and wereprimarily built for
their symbolic meaning (Gaspar, 2000). Based on these regional
characteristics, DeBlasis et al. (2007) suggest that the group of
sambaquis people developed a series of more elaborate socialorganization characteristics using communal efforts for public
buildings and ceremonial activities as well as the development of
socialinequalityintheformofhierarchiesandstronglyestablished
leadership.Theauthorssuggestthatbetween2000BPand1500BP
there were changes in the depositional characteristics of the sites
with the progressive substitution of shells for other organics sedi-
mentsandwoodcharcoalintheupperlayers.This period coincides
with the settlement of other archeological cultures in the region
and environmental changes such as the progressive drying up or
reduction in extension of the lagoons, which resulted in a lower
saline concentration of thewater and the decrease in the supply of
salt-water molluscs.
In Florianópolis along Santa Catarina’s central coast, a research
project focused on the mobility of the mound-builders in the area
surrounding Conceição Lake. The project sought to relate perma-
nent and temporary settlements to the main productivity of the
lagoon environments and to identify seasonality bystudying stable
oxygen isotopes, shell coloration, and stable 13/12C and 15/14N
isotopesfromcollagenremovedfromhumanandanimalbones.The
results indicated that these populations had a low level of mobility
and a diet based on the consumption of ?sh (DeMasi, 2001).
In the sites established in the inland portion of the bays, for
example the Babitonga Bay of the northern coast (sambaqui
Espinheiros II in Joinville), Micropogonia furnieri (croaker) and
Bairdiella sp. (perch) (Figuti and Klökler, 1996) are the most
common ?shes. For sites established on sandy beaches facing the
ocean (sambaquis da Enseada I and Bupeva II, São Francisco do Sul)
the species most consumed were the Trichiurus lepturus (belt?sh)
and the Conodon nobilis (Bared Grunt). There was also the
consumptionofcrustaceansbuttheirpreservationinthesambaquis
deposits is more problematic (Bandeira,1992, 2004).
At the sambaqui Cubatão I, located at the mouth of the Cubatão
River in Joinville, fragments of braided vegetable ?berand wooden
stakes were found in the early strata, suggesting the existence of
a complex architectural structure. The study of this sites shows
a construction process using two different techniques that corre-
spond to two different strata: the ?rst is made of layers composed
byusingplantmaterialandstonefragments(stacksandknotswith
woodand?bers)andthesecondmadefromaddingdifferentlayers
of mollusc shells and sediment (Bandeira et al., 2009).
The archeological research in the State of Paraná began to be
effectiveinthe1950s(EmperaireandLaming,1956),andduringthe
early years of the following decade (Hurt and Blasi, 1960). The
effortswereintensi?edafterthestartof theNationalArcheological
Research Program (PRONAPA), between 1965 and 1970 when
several sambaquis excavations were started in the Paranaguá Bay
(Rauth, 1967, 1971). On the basis of the paleoenvironmental
reconstructions proposed by Bigarella (1950e1951), Rauth
attempted to identify the way of life and the group establishment
patternsofthesambaquispeopleinthegiantNhundiaquarapalaeo-
bay, which was gradually reduced due to sediment accretion (silt-
ing) from rivers deposits that transformed it into the Paranaguá
(Fig. 5).
Similarly to the sambaquis of Santa Catarina State, the sites in
Paraná were basically built using accumulated shells of Anom-
alocardia brasiliana, Ostrea sp. and Modiolus brasiliensis, sometimes
resultinginmoundsmorethan21mhigh.Thechronologythatwas
obtained for these sambaquis indicates that the occupation period
was between 6540 ? 150 BP (sambaqui do Ramal), 6030 ? 130 BP
(sambaqui Porto Maurício) on the central coast and 1540 ? 150 BP
(sambaqui Ilha dos Ratos), on the southern coast (Parellada, 2008).
The lithic tools found during excavation include polished axe
blades, hammer stones, pecked stones, choppers, chopping tools,
zoolithes and grindstones (Hurt and Blasi, 1960). The bone-made
tools include harpoon points, spatulas, and adornments. Projectile
points made from oyster valves were also found and these are
unique to the sambaquis of this region.
Thesambaquisfoundonthecoastof theState ofSão Paulowere
the subjects of detailed research since the ?rst decades of the 20th
century (Krone, 1914), and this research was intensi?ed as of the
1950s and 1960s through international excavation programs
(Emperaire and Laming,1956).
The most researched areas were Cananéia-Iguape where 107
sambaquis were found, all located on the continent and adjacent
islands (Krone, 1914; Uchôa and Garcia, 1983). A main part of the
researcheffortwastheunderstandingofthestratigraphicconstruct
ofthesites.Accordingtosomeauthors,layerscomposedofasingle
shell taxon were linked to episodes of rapid accumulation while
more heterogeneous layers were considered to be the result of
longer occupation periods. Efforts were also spent to reconstruct
thechronologicalsequenceoftheoccupations,usingthesambaquis
as spatial-temporal markers for the variation of sea levels (Martin
et al.,1984; Callipo, 2004).
The malacological composition of these sambaquis, generally
matches the species found in the Santa Catarina and Paraná, with
Ostreasp.valvesbeingthemaincomponent.Inthesouthernregion,
sambaquis made of Anomalocardia brasiliana are also found. The
most common lithic tools of the sambaquis of São Paulo State
include simple used quartz ?akes, scrapers, ground stones (gener-
ally obtained from basalt and diabase) hammer stones, stone
polishers, grooved abraders and zoolithes.
The state of São Paulo stands out because of the presence of
sambaquis that are dated before the Alithermal (6500-5000 BP):
Maratuá dated at 7803 plus or minus 1300 BP (this date is often considered
doubtful) and Cambriu Grande dated 7870 plus or minus 80 BP (Fig. 6).
The coast of Rio de Janeiro is characterized by heterogeneity,
both in the distribution of the sambiquis as well as their geo-
morphologic character. A detailed evaluation of the site locations
allowscertainareastobeobservedwheretheoccupationsoccurin
a concentrated fashion.
The region of the cities of Parati and Angra dos Reis, in Ilha
Grande Bay, has a jagged coastline, with several coves, bays, and
small peninsulas as well as rocky islands. The beaches and the
sandy stretches are not very developed, and the sites are predom-
inantly located in mangrove ?ood plains, estuaries, or islands.
On one of the islands is the Algodão site, one of the oldest sites
of the Brazilian coast dated at 7860 ? 80 years BP (Fig. 7). A more
recent layer was dated at 3350 ? 80 BP, a date much closer to the
typical chronology of the region: 3060 ? 40 BP for the sambaquis
Ilhote do Leste and Ponta do Leste around 2880 ? 40 BP (Tenório,
2003).
On the Guaratiba plain, about 100 km to the north there is
another region of concentrated sites. The region is an area of
transition between a marine environment and a continental one,
crisscrossed by several tidal channels. The sambaquis observed in
this region are primarilyassociated with the tidal channelsand are
smallisolatedreliefs in themidstof sandyplains. The onlyexisting
datingisfromthesambaquiZéEspinhothatindicatesanoccupation
at around 2260 ? 160 BP.
On the east bank of the Guanabara Bay there are two sambaqui
concentration areas: on the Magé plain and the Itaipu beach. The
Magé plain is characterized by a low-lying area with marine
terraces, ?ood plains and river deltas where the sambaquis are
localized in mangrove groves(Fig. 8). On theItaipu beach thereare
sites on the sand formation that separates Camboinhas Lake from
the Guanabara Bay. The sambaqui de Camboinhas has one of the
oldestdatesfortheBraziliancoast:7958?224BP.Thesitealsohas
two more dates, 2562 ? 160 BP and 2,328 ? 136, closer to the
chronology of the surrounding sambaquis such as Duna Pequena
Toward the northeasternpart of the State, there are fewer sites.
Thesitesbegintoreappearafter50kmofcoastline,nearthecityof
Saquarema,wherethelakeregionofRiodeJaneirobegins.Thisarea
is characterized by crystalline rock relief that act as dividers
between the two major drainage basins that feed Saquarema Lake.
Herethe sambaquis are concentrated along the plains of the inland
sandbanks,facingthelake(Barbosa,2007).Afterabout50kmthere
is another concentration of sites, located on the Cabo Frio Cape. In
this region the sambaquis are found in groups located on beaches,
channels, or rocky outcrops with an elevation of up to 50 m asl.
TheSãoJoãoRiverplainischaracterizedbyaslightlyinclinedarea
subjecttoconstant?oodingduetothetidesystem.Mostofthesites
are found inland, between 3 and 10 km from the current coastline.
They are connected to palaeo-lagoons, small rivers and lowlands,
andtheyhavebeendatedbetween3670?80ontheIlhadaBoaVista
II and1920 ? 60 BP for theIlha da Boa Vista IV (Tenório, 2003).
The analysis of the material culture distribution found in the
sambaquis of Rio de Janeiro state allows certain patterns to be
observed. Lithic tools include portable grinders, axe blades,
grooved abraders, mortars, hammer stones, anvils, grindstone on
?xedsupportandquartz?akeswithusededgesfordirecthandling.
The lack of pendants is notable in the Saquarema, Cabo Frio Cape,
and the São João plain regions. Dyed pebbles were not found in
either the Cabo Frio Cape or the São João plain. In terms of bone-
made artifacts, several points and double points are part of the
assemblages, but only a few perforated vertebrae and teeth were
found in the sites of the São João plain. Teeth with multiple
perforations, spatulas, and stingray points were more commonly
found at the Ilha Grande Bay and the lakes region of Saquarema.
Finally,the malacological artifacts are less frequent, and differently
distributed.Theelementthatstandsoutthemostaretheelaborate
scrapers made of Callista maculata. These are only found in certain
sites of the Ilha Grande Bay, the Cabo Frio bay, and the São João
plain. It is worth noting the presence, along the coast of Rio de
Janeiro (except the Cabo Frio Cape) of Strombus costatus (milk
conch) with cut marks.
The coast of the state of Espírito Santo, on the northern edge of
thesambaquiextent,hasnotbeenmuchresearchedyet.Ingeneral,
the sambaquis found in this area are along Vitória Bay or on the
sandyplainsofthenorth,linkedtothemainriverdeltasupto8km
from the coast. The layers of these sites are mostly made up of
Ostrea sp., but Anomalocardia brasiliana, Crassostrear hizophorae
(oyster), Mytella sp. and Lucina pectinata (thick lucine) can also be
found (Salles-Cunha,1963; Orssich,1964; Perota,1971,1974).
The most common lithic artifacts are quartz ?akes made from
direct percussion without any additional ?nishing, cutting instru-
ments,andscrapers.Therearealsopolishedandsemi-polishedaxe
blades made of quartz, used ?akes, pecking stones, choppers,
shopping tools and scrapers. The bone artifacts include projectile
points, pendants made of different mammal teeth and perforated
?sh vertebrae. Burials are typically found in cemented levels of
shells with a high content of wood charcoal and ashes, covered by
a red substance and with polished axe blades (Salles-Cunha,1963;whencomparedtotheothersambaquisinthestate.Theyarefound
in low-lying areas, subject to flooding, in the middle of mangrove
and they have very pronounced terrigenous strata (Orssich,1964).
A date of 1435 ? 80 shows the recent occupation of the region
(Perota,1974).These are sometimesgroupedas “pre-ceramic sites”
andconsideredasseparatefromtherestofthegroupofsambaquis.
4. Bioarchaeology(biological anthropology)of thesambaquis
Although the researchcarried out in the sambaquis of Brazil has
spanned several aspects that characterize thesesites,including the
fauna, the settlement pattern and formation processes, the ?eld in
which the most research and knowledge has been produced is,
unquestionably, bioarcheology. The skeletons found in the samba-
quis have always caught attention, both from the layman and the
academic world. Indeed, for a long time, these sites have been
consideredcemeteriesandforthisreasonitisimportanttopresent
more details about this research.
Traditionally, the analysis of human bone material from coastal
Brazilian sites was focused on the description or quanti?cation of
the dental pathologies (e.g. see Salles-Cunha, 1963; Araujo, 1969,
1970) or contagious and nutritional pathologies (e.g. see Mello-
Alvim and Gomes, 1989). Only during the last few decades has
more systemic and comparative palaeopathological research been
carried out, which includes post-cranial material for a better
understanding of the disease patterns of these populations
(Machado,1984; Hubbe, 2005; Okumura and Eggers, 2005).
Studies regarding dental pathologies in sambaquis people
revealed the presence of reoccurring occlusal wear, both moderate
and severe, on most specimens. These patterns were probably
causedbytheinvoluntarilyingestionofsandandphytolithswiththe
food (Boyadjian et al., 2007; Wesolowski, 2007). The abrasive
material was also responsible for periodontal disease, because the
high levels of dental wear as well as the frequency of calculations
would have contributed to a rise in the in?ammation and the
resulting infection of the soft tissues (gums). The severe occlusal
wear would also lower the substrate level, thus lowering the
occurrenceofocclusalcavitiesinthesepopulations.Indeed,withthe
exception of some skeletons fromsites in Santa Catarina and Coro-
ndó(RiodeJaneiro),mostoftheindividualsfromtheBraziliancoast
donothavecavities (Machado,1984; Wesolowski,2000,2007).
Analysis of post-cranial material from these populations
revealed a high occurrence of bone lesions related to infectious
processes.Thehighpositivecorrelationbetweeninfectiousdisease,
population density, and the level of sedentism is well known.
Therefore, the disease pattern seems to indicate that these groups
had low levels of mobility and a relatively high population density
(Mendonça,1995; Hubbe, 2005; Okumura and Eggers, 2005).
Comparative cranial studies between pre-historic groups of the
Brazilian coast are still rare, but several authors support the idea
that there was a morphological unity between the populations of
the coast. However, these studies are based on a small sample of
sitesandarenotstatisticallysound(Okumura,2008).Neves(1988),
after considering the archeological record and the morpho-cranial
variability of the sambaquis people, suggested that between
7000 BP and 6000 BP hunter-gatherer populations from the inte-
rior of Brazil, probably belonging to the Humaitá tradition (e.g.
Schmitz,1984), arrived on the coast between the modern states of
Paraná and São Paulo. From there, two migration routes started,
one following a northern direction and another following
asouthernone,givingbirthtothelargestsambaquis.Thesambaquis
to the north of São Paulo tend to be smaller and fewer (Neves,
1988).
Neves’ hypothesis is fundamentally based on the idea that the
groups that occupied the coast of Rio de Janeiro and Espírito Santo
formed a single biological unit, different from those groups that
settled the coast of Paraná and Santa Catarina, while the sambaqui
populations of São Paulo held an intermediary position. Okumura
(2008) was able to corroborate this hypothesis after analyzing
cranial measurements of approximately 700 individuals, as well as
non-metric data of approximately 1000 individuals. Thus, the
results of this study point toward two separate main groups, with
two distinct cranial morphologies, where the separation between
thetwohappensalongtheParanácoast.Towardthecentralcoastof
Santa Catarina Okumura (2008) observed a relative difference
betweenthegroupofthesettlementwithpotteryandthosethatdo
not have pottery, reinforcing the hypothesis of the existence of
a socio-cultural unity among the sambaqui mound-builders of the
south and the southeast regions of Brazil.
5. Conclusion
Fromthissummaryonthesambaquisarchaeologicalevidence,it
is apparent that more intense work on the Brazilian coastal sam-
baquis is a priority. Several coastal regions have not been targeted
for research as yet, making it impossible to de?ne the exact area
covered by the sambaquis people and the origin of their archeo-
logical culture. The existing chronology re?ects the rhythm of the
research, which has been intense in certain regions, and provides
several dates for few sambaquis or, short periods of research over
vast areas that supply only minimal data to reconstruct the
settlement system of the Brazilian coast.
Nevertheless, the in-depth research carried out on the samba-
quis from the South and Southeast coasts allows the establishment
ofsomepatternsinthedistributionoftheculturalelements,which
reinforces the hypothesis of the existence of a socio-cultural unit
among the sambaqui mound-builders. It is important to point out
thetriplespaceassociationofburials,theintentionalityintheshell
mounds building with malacological layers of many metres of
thicknessandthejointoccurrenceofthesambaquisasasettlement
pattern. Bioarcheological data have reinforced the hypothesis of
a differentiation among the sambaqui mound-builders, the pop-
ulations with pottery and the hunter-gatherers from the Brazilian
inland areas. Although the regional lithic industries showed
differences in the use of raw materials (diabase and basalt at Rio
Grande do Sul, Santa Catarina, Paraná and São Paulo, and quartz at
São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro and Espírito Santo) and peculiar stone
tools from each region, the occurrence of speci?c instruments
throughout the coast sites suggests the existence of a social and
cultural unity. Important are the presence of grindstones on ?xed
supportmainlyinRiodeJaneiroandSantaCatarina,theoccurrence
of zooliths in São Paulo, Paraná, Santa Catarina and Rio Grande do
Sul, the concentration of scrapers in Rio de Janeiro and Paraná,
choppers and chopping tools in Paraná and Espírito Santo and
?nally, the shaped recipients such as plates, bowls and mortars in
Santa Catarina, Rio Grande do Sul and Rio de Janeiro.
Future research should seek to understand the variations of the
materialcultureofthesesites.Researchdatafromtheearlydecades
of the 20th century show that lithic and bone-made tools can be
found in some sites but are vary rare in others. How can this vari-
ation be explained? How do we explain hundreds of burial sites
concentrated in a single sambaqui while there are hundreds of
kilometers of coast with hundreds of sambaquis that have none?
G. Soares de Sousa noted the use of sambaqui shells for
construction purposes during the colonial period. After three
centuries, in 1884C von Koseritz denounced the economic exploi-
tation of the sites in Rio Grande do Sul. Currently, the legal mech-
anismstoprotectthisarcheologicalheritageareprecarious,andthe
lackofspeedinthejudicialproceduresleadstothelossofprecious
information. It is up to the archeologist to intensify the efforts so
thatthecontextoftheseancientsettlementscanresistdestruction,
allowing society in the future to continue the research.
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Intersecciones en antropología
versión On-line ISSN
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Intersecciones antropol. v.10 n.2 Olavarría jul./dic. 2009
Neotropical Zooarchaeology and Taphonomy, edited by A. Sebastián Muñoz and Mariana Mondini. Quaternary International, Volume 180, Issue 1, March 2008, pp. 1-158. ISSN 1040-6182.
Reseña de László Bartosiewicz.
Institute of Archaeological Sciences. Loránd Eötvös University, Múzeum Krt. 4/B. 1088 Budapest, Hungary. E-mail: bartwicz@yahoo.com
Archaeological excavators are latecomers by vocation, and given good preservation, much of the finds are animal bones. Taphonomy, the critical evaluation of bioarchaeological information in archaeology through understanding site formation processes, has become one of their chief tools in dealing with bone remains. A concept introduced in paleontology (Efremov 1940), taphonomy has not only become the indispensable first step in archaeozoological inquiry, but also the best common denominator linking various studies of human-animal relationships across chronological periods and continents. This aspect of taphonomy is especially important in presenting geographically diverse areas with a rich and varied archaeological heritage such as the Neotropical region that includes what is historically known as Latin America and the southern United States around the Gulf of México. Immense latitudinal and altitudinal variability of habitats has made taphonomy the lingua franca between archaeozoologists - sometimes even within geographically varied countries such as Argentina (Gutiérrez et al. 2007).
This volume is a clearly structured collection of papers submitted to the session entitled "Neotropical Zooarchaeology and Taphonomy" organized by the volume editors at the 10th International Conference of the International Council for Archaeozoology in México D.F. in 2006. While the session abstract promised to highlight "specific research problems in the region from ecological, evolutionary, and biogeographic points of view" (Polaco et al. 2006: 11), this volume is also a collection of scholarly papers that represent broader, general trends in human-animal interactions in the Neotropical region throughout the late Quaternary.
The introductory paper by A. Sebastián Muñoz and Mariana Mondini, offers a clear defi nition of the region extending on either side of the Equator with the Pacific to the west and the Caribbean/Atlantic to the east. They point out that south of the isthmus of Panama, South America has a triangular shape narrowing toward the south. This geometry coincides with simpler ecological and structural systems and the increasing climatic influence of oceans southwards. The Andes, meanwhile, stop westerly winds sweeping across the continent and much of the precipitation is lost on its western slopes. At the same time, the availability of land decreases on the narrowing landmass. This geographical setup offers outstanding biodiversity and excellent preservation in some areas while taphonomic challenges dominate in others. These contribute to the immense variety of zooarchaeological topics available for investigation.
This rich geographical and archaeological landscape is depicted in further anthropological detail by Peter W. Stahl, keynote speaker of the session, who offers a thought provoking review of zooarchaeology in the neotropics in terms of historical ecology. Placing this paper at the beginning introduces important culture historical and ethical points for outsiders, especially researchers from densely inhabited, industrialized Europe. Even if we are aware of the pitfalls of ethnographic analogy, the reminder that "‘traditional small-scale societies’ [ in the Neotropical region[occupy marginalized environments because of historical circumstances… Not only do they possess a history,… but they may be inappropriate analogs for constructing inferences about peoples of the past" sets the tone for reading the rest of the volume. Functional similarities between riparian habitats in Amazonia and the prehistoric taskscapes in the marshy Great Hungarian Plain could be explored only on an abstract, theoretical level (Whittle 2007: 743-744).
The peopling of the Americas offers a powerful research paradigm for archaeologists working in this region. Adauto Araujo et al. interpret palaeoparasitological evidence in light of the latitudinal climatic variability from east to west along the continent. The authors conclude that some prehistoric thermophilic parasites must have been introduced by human hosts along migration routes alternative to the Bering region. Another scientific problem of this early period, the extinction of Pleistocene megafauna, is addressed in the study by Alejandro García et al. who studied the dietary composition of Hippidion at two sites in Argentina. Both studies rely on nonosteological, laboratory methods for the recovery of biological evidence.
The authors of the next set of papers review natural taphonomic factors (some of them in the form of actualistic studies), something that has been standard practice in paleontology. The importance of such research to archaeozoology is that by excluding anthropogenic effects, the natural elements in the process become recognizable and may later be identified in more complex, cultural deposits. The differential preservation of bird and mammal bones was studied by Isabel Cruz in southern Patagonia. Her analysis of rich natural deposits formed under extreme climatic circumstances helps make clear fundamental differences in preservation between the two vertebrate classes, which are frequently distorted by human decision-making (prey selection, carcass processing, etc.) in archaeological assemblages (Bartosiewicz and Gál 2007). The detailed survey of natural massmortality processes in guanaco herds caused by winter stress in Southern Patagonia, analyzed by Juan Bautista Belardi and Diego Rindel, is reminiscent of the classical work by Weigelt (1927), who long before the explicit definition of taphonomy recognized the research potential of documenting contemporary mass deaths of animals as part of paleontological inquiry. These authors attempt to establish forensic criteria for the identification of mass mortality in archaeological deposits. Mariana Mondini and A. Sebastián Muñoz contributed a review of bone damage inflicted by pumas. Variability in puma taphonomic action needs to be understood within the context of the local fauna in areas that are as diverse as the neotropical region. Actualistic studies on large felids as taphonomic agents, thus, have implications for the interpretation of the composition of archaeofaunal assemblages.
Recognizing the effects of action by non-human predators is fundamental in appraising early prehistoric human subsistence patterns focusing on the largest prey with the best yield in areas characterized by low faunal diversity such as northwestern Patagonia where Pablo Marcelo Fernández studied faunal exploitation during the last 3500 calibrated years. These archaeological bone assemblages originated from sites representing low energy environments in the Sub-Antarctic forest zone and the extra-Andean Patagonian steppe region. Large vertebrates revealed fat-oriented carcass processing. Guanaco bones associated both with ceramic and aceramic technologies displayed no change in carcass processing. Similarities in the evidence of bone fat extraction suggest boiling prior to the introduction of pottery.
Taphonomic analysis was used as a key to the interpretation of Brazilian archaeofaunas by Albérico Nogueira De Queiroz and Olivia Alexandre De Carvalho. Their study encompasses vast geographical distances and a time interval ranging between ca. 9500-2600 BP. They have shown that modification by non-human predators on microvertebrates was more significant in Amazonian sites and in the south. Evidence of humans exploiting small animals, however, was obvious in archaeological sites from the northeast of Brazil, where animal bones were abundant in hearths and also show marks of butchering.
The emphasis in the following cluster of papers is placed on the exploitation of aquatic resources. The Neotropical region includes the possibly narrowest filter in the migration of terrestrial organisms: the isthmus of Panamá, linking the landmass of North to South America. On the other hand, until the 1914 opening of the Panama Canal, this narrow strip of land isolated two oceans representing radically different aquatic environments -a major attraction during the first ever ICAZ meeting in Latin America, that of the Fish Remains Working Group, held in Panamá in 1997. Taphonomy at two coastal rock shelters in Parita Bay on the Pacific side was studied by Diana Rocío Carvajal-Contreras et al. with a special focus on fishing and fish curing as well as coast-inland transport of the processed product. However, the composition of the fish bone assemblages was also interpreted within the broader context of marine transgression (ca. 7000 BP) and coastal progradation (after ca. 4000 BP). Preliminary taphonomic analyses suggest that the studied sites were used for curing fish between 2200 and 1900 BP. At that time, geomorphological conditions favored such activities making them profi table in a wider, probably chiefdom-scale, economic system. In the next paper, Pedro Volkmer de Castilho reviews evidence for the utilization of cetaceans in shell mounds from the southern coast of Brazil. It is worth mentioning that partly due to excellent preservation created by their calcareous matrix, shell middens played a key rolein the emergence of zooarchaeology in both the Old and New Worlds (Forchhammer et al. 1851-1856; Wyman 1868). The author of this paper analyzed cetacean remains from at least nine species found at six shell mound sites along the Atlantic coast in Santa Catarina State, estimated to date from 5020 to 2670 BP. The results suggest that there was sporadic exploitation of scavenged carcasses (mainly whales) and capture of smaller odontocetes, probably using fish nets. In addition, information on anthropogenic taphonomic effects such as butchery as well as palaeopathology are discussed. In addition to marine fauna, studies of fresh water fishing in this volume are represented by the analysis of fish remains from the Bolivian shore of Lake Titicaca by José M. Capriles et al. Following the rigorous evaluation of sampling, a many-sided taphonomic evaluation is provided that shows reduction in the importance of aquatic resources throughout the Formative Period (1000 BCAD 400). While standardization in fish exploitation and processing characterize the Middle Formative, by the Late Formative, there was a clear reduction in the importance of fish in the diet as the intensification domesticate exploitation continued. This trend is evaluated within the context of the interface between environmental change and socioeconomic complexity in the Lake Titicaca Basin.
This latter paper leads the reader to animal husbandry in the high Andes, a topic that is continued by Silvana A. Rosenfeld in a way that is unusual for many working outside the region: the exploitation of guinea pigs. (My personal experience with the topic is that when I made an inquiry on the ZooArch mailing list in relation to cut-marks on a hamster find from Hungary, I was inundated by dozens of helpful emails from Latin America; Bartosiewicz 2003). In her paper, Rosenfeld proposes that prolific guinea pigs were crucial in the diet at the site of Conchopata in the Peruvian Andes around AD 600-1000 because they represented an additional, easily renewable source of fat i.e. calories, especially during the wet season at this settlement located at 2760 m asl. The result is an exemplary study of seasonality and its implications on the consumption of fat in the pre-Columbian Andean diet. Looking at another, more contested case of domestic animal exploitation, Andrés D. Izeta reviews the relationship between humans and camelids. These connections have changed from extractive techniques at the end of the Pleistocene to production of domesticated camelids in herds. The author studies thelatter using assemblages from two different eco-zones in Northwestern Argentina. Signs of Late Holocene camelid exploitation differed during the three observed periods. The earliest period is characterized by the use of llama, guanaco and vicuña in both zones with a dominance of adult remains. Lower biodiversity is evident during the second period with more species variability in the puna and in some lower valleys. The Late period is characterized by the presence of adult camelids in the puna, while subadults become preponderant in other localities and valley assemblages do not reveal major changes during the three periods in camelid demography or taxonomic diversity. This difference allowed the reconstruction of two models of camelid use in the studied region.
In the final research paper in the volume, Eduardo Corona-M. reviews the exploitation of vertebrates in Xochicalco, an important Mesoamerican urban, ceremonial and military center between AD 700-900. The site is located in the transition zone between the Nearctic and Neotropic zoogeographical regions in México. This borderland location is reflected in the mixed zooarchaeological assemblage. Social hierarchy, another source of species variability at this complex site was also taken into consideration in a multivariate analyses that directed attention to a few species coming from the Neotropical area (e.g., pecarí, jaguar and American crocodile), that seem to have been used by elites as social markers in distinguished locations. Thus, species composition at individual loci on the site offers a unique glimpse at the interaction between zoogeographic affinity and social hierarchy.
Finally, the archaeology of the Neotropics is briefly summarized by Luis Alberto Borrero who acted as discussant at the end of this rich conference session. Representing a apparently environmental archaeological perspective he asserts that there is a role for archaeology in the Neotropical region in tracing how species and landscapes that interact with humans change. Moreover these processes all include a taphonomic component. He offers an insider’s view of the individual papers in their original, Latin- American context rather than with reference to Old World developments as I have here.
Comparing these two views historically explains why this volume is of particular importance. As mentioned above, archaeozoology emerged and became strong with research on shell middens in both the Old and New Worlds at the end of the 19th century. The influence of immigrant Europeanscholars such as Robert Lehman-Nitsche, a naturalist, physician and ethnographer from Germany, was instrumental in linking research between these two far-flung regions (Bilbao 2004). Relations between megafaunal extinctions and the appearance of the first humans in South America also greatly inspired zooarchaeological research (e.g., Lehman-Nitsche 1899). Archaeological interpretations of animal remains also included a study of osseous industries that was cutting-edge for its time (e.g., Lehman-Nitsche 1904). A post-World War II renaissance in archaeozoological studies in Central Europe became synergetic with New Archaeology in the anglophone world by the late 1960s, and stimulated faunal research in both North and South America through integrating personalities such as Wheeler Pires-Ferreira and Kaulicke 1976. This trend was probably not independent of the vested interest of processual archaeologists in understanding subsistence and the emergence of food production in the Near East that increased the world-wide importance of zooarchaeology (Bartosiewicz and Choyke 2002). External influences evolved in quiet symbiosis with local work in various countries in the Neotropical region and resulted in strong communities of zooarchaeologists whose international impact has increased significantly outside the continent over the last decades. As is clearly demonstrated by the papers in this volume, the diverse Neotropical region has offered research opportunities for everyone. Natural science oriented, taphonomic research became very strong in Patagonia, while Mesoamerica has developed into the scene of zooarchaeological research in connection with important projects on the archaeology of complex societies. Studying similar state formations as well as European colonial influences in the Andes and surrounding Andean regions were integrated within the Camelid Working Group (Grupo Zooarqueología de Camélidos), established in 1993. The group has been active within ICAZ since 1995.
Zooarchaeology, a narrow discipline, is particularly dependent on global communication. Exposure of the excellent work by specialists in Latin America has indubitably benefited from an increasing number of publications in English. In 2004, a remarkable collection of 12 papers on zooarchaeology in South America, was edited by Guillermo Mengoni Goñalons. In the introduction to that volume, he pointed out that many contributors already belonged to the "second generation of zooarchaeologists" (Mengoni Goñalons 2004: 5). Less than fi ve years later, it is especially welcome that Quaternary International, the official journal of the International Union for QuaternaryResearch (INQUA), dedicated its March 2008 issue to a session of the 2006 ICAZ conference offering a complementary review. It is to the credit of the editors (both of the special issue and the journal itself) that they managed to kill two birds with one bola: maintain the integrity of the symposium and guarantee the properly accredited quality of contributions.
This informative volume marks yet another high point in an important trend: the First Latin American Zooarchaeology meeting that will take place during the 13th Anthropological Congress in Bogotá, Colombia in October 2009.
REFERENCES CITED
1. Bartosiewicz, L. 2003 A millennium of migrations: Protohistoric mobile pastoralism in Hungary. In Zooarchaeology: Papers to Honor Elizabeth S. Wing, edited by F. Wayne King, and C. M. Porter, pp. 101-130. Bulletin of the Florida Museum of Natural History 44, Gainesville.
2. Bartosiewicz, L. and A. M. Choyke 2002 Archaeozoology in Hungary. Archaeofauna 11: 117-129.
3. Bartosiewicz, L. and E. Gál 2007 Sample size and taxonomic richness in mammalian and avian bone assemblages from archaeological sites. Archeometriai Műhely 1: 37-44.
4. Bilbao, S. 2004 Rememorando a Roberto Lehmann-Nitsche. Buenos Aires, La Colmena.
5. Efremov, I. A. 1940 Taphonomy: a new branch of paleontology. Pan- American Geologist 74: 81-93.
6. Forchhammer, G., J. Steenstrup, and J. Worsaae 1851-1856 Undersøgelser i geologisk-antikvarisk retning. København, Kongliga Hofbogtrykker Bianco Luno.
7. Gutiérrez, M. A., L. Miotti, G. Barrientos, G. Mengoni Goñalons, and M. Salemme (Eds.) 2007 Taphonomy and Zooarchaeology in Argentina. BAR International Series 1601. Archaeopress, Oxford.
8. Lehmann-Nitsche, R. 1899 Coexistencia del hombre con un gran desdentado y un equino. Revista del Museo de La Plata IX: 455-473.
9. Lehmann-Nitsche, R. 1904 Nuevos objetos de industria humana encontrados en la Caverna Eberhardt en Última Esperanza. Revista del Museo de La Plata XI: 57-70.
10. Mengoni Goñalons, G. L. 2004 Introduction: An overview of South American zooarchaeology. In Zooarchaeology of South America, edited by G. L. Mengoni Goñalons, pp. 1-10. BAR International Series 1298. Archaeopress, Oxford.
11. Polaco, O. J., J. Arroyo Cabrales, F. J. Aguilar, and A. F. Guzmán (Eds.) 2006 Abstracts. International Council for Archaeozoology, 10th Conference. México D.F., Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia - Escuela Nacional de Conservación, Restauración y Museografía, México D.F.
12. Weigelt, J. 1927 Rezente Wirbeltierleichen und ihre paläobiologische Bedeutung. Leipzig, Verlag von Max Weg.
13. Wheeler Pires-Ferreira, J. C. and P. Kaulicke 1976 Preceramic animal utilization in the Central Peruvian Andes. Science 194: 483-490.
14. Whittle, A. 2007 On the waterfront (With a contribution by László Bartosiewicz). In The Early Neolithic on the Great Hungarian Plain: investigations of the Körös culture site of Ecsegfalva 23, County Békés II, edited by A. Whittle, pp. 727-752. Varia Archaeologica Hungarica 21.
15. Wyman, J. 1868 An account of some kjoekkenmoeddings, or shell-heaps, in Maine and Massachusetts. American Naturalist 1/11: 561-584.
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The same types of shellmounds (with skulls similar to some of the Brazilian ones, and the owners of the skulls similarly tending to be shorter than their ancestors)are of course found all around the Caribbean and in Florida, and in the Southern US, easpecially around the Mississippi river delta, as a variety of the Archaic. As mentioned in the last prio blog entry, there is a continuity of some of these Archaic types up into the Hopewell Moundbuilder period.
I had mentioned that sharkteeth were important in Atlantean cultures and the trait of using sword-like clubs studded with shark teeth (or their substitutes in chipped stone) were also widespread and presumably descended from an Atlantean source. I had not known then that the ttrait was a common "Moundbuilder" trait in both North and South America nor yet that some of the concave-based Archaic arrowheads were supposedly meant to represent shark teeth. The same points also occur in the Capsian of Northern Africa, with similar serrations around the sides.
The sharktooth-edged swordclubs: at Cahokia, the shaped flint "Sharkteeth" later fulled the purpose but shark's teeth was still also imported to set to the edges of the club-swords. The wooden handles with the embedded teeth have been found intact in "Moundbuilder" burials.
Guadeloupe Woman
